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%    {1-person &1-one  &1Su-PrsHab-laugh-ind}
%    {`One person usually laughs.'}}
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%         {18-7-room   &cop &18-ISgPoss}
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%     \item \gloss {3}
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\begin{center}
{\LARGE \bf  Midterm Exam}\\
{\large \bf 11-721: Grammars and Lexicons}\\
{\large \bf November 1, 2002}
\end{center}

\section*{Instructions}

\begin{itemize}
\item Do not be alarmed by the length of the exam.  In the last
problem, there are a lot of examples that illustrate the same thing.

\item If you have questions, ask Lori.  Ask as many
questions as you want.  

\item Do not communicate with other students, including:
\begin{itemize}
\item Do not talk to other students.  
\item Do not show papers to other students.  
\item Do not look at other students' papers.
\item Do not communicate with anyone outside of the classroom.
\end{itemize}
You will fail the exam if you do any of these things.

\item You may eat during the exam.

\item One person at a time may leave the room to use the bathroom or
smoke. 

\item You may look at any of your own books and papers you have
brought with you.
\end{itemize}

\newpage

\section{Using the English grammar rules developed in class}

Draw a c-structure and f-structure for the following sentence using
the grammar rules and lexicon handed out with this exam.


%% \example{Sam seemed to be persuaded to eat.}

\example{Sam was persuaded to be examined.}

\newpage

\section{What is wrong with these sentences?}

For each sentence below circle a reason for failure from the choices
given.  Use the rules and lexical entries in the grammar that was
handed out with the exam.  Be sure to cite an equation or a
well-formedness condition that fails. \\[10pt]

\noindent
You can circle more than one reason for each sentence.  You will get
full credit for getting one reason right.  You will loose credit
for circling extra wrong answers. \\[10pt]

\noindent
Please remember to act like a computer.  Follow the parsing
algorithm, using the grammar.  Human intuition may lead to the wrong
answer, especially since the point of failure depends on how the
grammar is written. 

\begin{enumerate}
\item *Sam ate a sandwich to school.
\begin{enumerate}
\item Failure of phrase structure rules.\\
Which words can't be parsed?
\item Failure of a unification or constraint.\\
Which one?
\item Violation of completeness.\\
What is missing?
\item Violation of coherence.\\
What is extra?
\end{enumerate}

\item *The cat cat ate a sandwich.
\begin{enumerate}
\item Failure of phrase structure rules.\\
Which words can't be parsed?
\item Failure of a unification or constraint.\\
Which one?
\item Violation of completeness.\\
What is missing?
\item Violation of coherence.\\
What is extra?
\end{enumerate}

\newpage

\item *The cat ate ate a sandwich.
\begin{enumerate}
\item Failure of phrase structure rules.\\
Which words can't be parsed?
\item Failure of a unification or constraint.\\
Which one?
\item Violation of completeness.\\
What is missing?
\item Violation of coherence.\\
What is extra?
\end{enumerate}

\item *I persuaded Sam go.
\begin{enumerate}
\item Failure of phrase structure rules.\\
Which words can't be parsed?
\item Failure of a unification or constraint.\\
Which one?
\item Violation of completeness.\\
What is missing?
\item Violation of coherence.\\
What is extra?
\end{enumerate}

\item *A cats lives in the forest.
\begin{enumerate}
\item Failure of phrase structure rules.\\
Which words can't be parsed?
\item Failure of a unification or constraint.\\
Which one?
\item Violation of completeness.\\
What is missing?
\item Violation of coherence.\\
What is extra?
\end{enumerate}

\end{enumerate}

\newpage

\section{Constituent Structure -- English}

\noindent
In this exercise we will examine the constituent structure of
sentences \ex{0}a and \ex{0}b below:

\examples{
\item Mary made John proud of himself.
\item Mary made John a picture of himself.}

\noindent
We will consider the two constituent structures below:

\begin{itemize}
\item XP can be AP ({\it proud of himself}) or NP ({\it a picture of
himself}).

\item SC is a {\it small clause} --- an NP subject and a predicate
that is an NP, AP, or PP.\\[10pt]
\end{itemize}

\noindent
{\bf Constituent Structure I:}   

\begin{verbatim}

                       S

           NP                   VP

          Mary          V        NP       XP

                       made     John    proud of himself
                                        a picture of himself
\end{verbatim}

\noindent
{\bf Constituent Structure II:}   


\begin{verbatim}
                       S

           NP                   VP

          Mary          V             SC

                       made      NP        XP

                                John    proud of himself
                                        a picture of himself
\end{verbatim}

\noindent {\bf Applying tests for constituency:} In the next few tasks
you will apply tests for constituency.  {\bf Ask me (Lori) for
grammaticality judgements after you have applied your tests.} I will
not tell you whether you have applied the test correctly, only whether
the sentence is grammatical or not.\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Task 1:} Apply a movement test to {\it John proud of himself\/}.
\vspace{.5in}

\noindent
{\bf Task 2:} Apply a coordination test to {\it John proud of himself\/}.
\vspace{.5in}

\noindent
{\bf Task 3:} Apply a movement test to {\it John a picture of himself\/}.
\vspace{.5in}

\noindent
{\bf Task 4:} Apply a coordination test to {\it John a picture of himself\/}.
\vspace{.5in}

\newpage

\noindent
In this section of the problem, you will see how the reference of
pronouns and reflexive pronouns relates to this constituency problem.\\[10pt]

\noindent
In English, a reflexive pronoun in a prepositional phrase can refer to
either the subject or the object of the sentence.

\example{John({\it i\/}) told Bill({\it j\/}) about himself({\it
i/j\/}).}

\noindent
A non-reflexive pronoun cannot refer to an element in the same clause:

\example{John({\it i\/}) told Bill({\it j\/}) about him({\it
*j/*i\/})}.

\noindent
However a non-reflexive pronoun can refer to an element in a different
clause:

\example{Mary({\it i\/}) told John that Bill likes her({\it j/i\/}).}

\noindent
Now consider the following sentences.  Use the grammaticality
judgements given, even if you don't agree with them.

\examples{
\item \bad{*} Mary made John proud of herself.
\item Mary({\it i\/}) made John proud of her({\it i/j\/}).
\item Mary made John proud of himself.
\item Mary made John({\it i\/}) proud of him({\it j/*i\/}).
}

\examples{
\item Mary made John a picture of herself.
\item Mary({\it i\/}) made John a picture of her({\it *i/j\/}).
\item Mary made John a picture of himself.
\item Mary made John({\it i\/}) a picture of him({\it j/*i\/}).
}

\newpage

{\bf Task 5:} Fill in the following table.  In each box, write:  
\begin{quote}
{\bf Tree 1} if the test supports Tree 1 \\
{\bf Tree 2} if the test suports Tree 2\\
{\bf Both} if the test results are compatible with both trees\\
{\bf Neither} if the test results are not compatible with either tree.
\end{quote}

\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{|l|c|c|c|c|}
\hline
& {\bf Movement} & {\bf Coordination} & {\bf Reflexive} & {\bf Pronoun}\\
\hline
\hline
{\bf John proud of himself} & & & &\\
\hline
{\bf John a picture of himself} & & & &\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{center}

\vspace{1cm}

\noindent
{\bf Task 6:}  Which tree do you choose for {\it Mary made John a
picture of himself\/}?
\begin{quote}
{\bf a.  Tree 1}\\[10pt]
{\bf b.  Tree 2}
\end{quote}

\noindent
{\bf Task 7:} Were some of your results inconsistent with the tree
that you chose?  
\vspace{.5in}

\noindent
{\bf Task 7a:}  If so, why did you choose to ignore them?

\newpage

\noindent
Consider the following two f-structures for {\it Mary made John proud
of himself\/}.  MF is a mystery function;  You might be biased toward
one structure or the other if I used the name of a real gramamtical
function.\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf F-structure 1:}  

\begin{verbatim}
SUBJ   [ PRED  `Mary']

PRED   `make< SUBJ  OBJ  MF >'

OBJ    [ PRED `John']

MF      PRED     `proud < OBL-of >'
        OBL-of    CASE    OBL-of
                  PRED    `of< OBJ >'
                  OBJ     [PRED  `reflexive-pronoun']
\end{verbatim}


\noindent
{\bf F-structure 2:}
\begin{verbatim}
SUBJ   [ PRED  `Mary']

PRED   `make< SUBJ  OBJ  MF >'

OBJ    [ PRED `John']

MF       SUBJ    
         PRED     `proud < SUBJ OBL-of >'
         OBL-of    CASE    OBL-of
                   PRED    `of< OBJ >'
                   OBJ     [PRED  `reflexive-pronoun']
\end{verbatim}

\newpage

\noindent
{\bf Task 8:} Choose a constituent structure for {\it Mary made John
proud of himself\/}:
\begin{quote}
{\bf a.  Tree 1}\\[10pt]
{\bf b.  Tree 2}
\end{quote}

\noindent
{\bf Task 9:} Choose an f-structure for {\it Mary made John
proud of himself\/}:
\begin{quote}
{\bf a.  F-structure 1}\\[10pt]
{\bf b.  F-structure 2}
\end{quote}

\noindent
{\bf Task 10:}  Explain your reason for choosing the c-structure that
you chose for {\it Mary made John proud of himself\/}.\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Task 11:} Explain your reason for choosing the f-structure that
you chose for {\it Mary made John proud of himself\/}.


\newpage

\section{Tests for Subject and Object in Choctaw}

Choctaw (Muskogean family) is spoken in Oklahoma (which means Red
People in Choctaw).  The data is from papers by William Davies,
University of Iowa.

%% Agreement: Nom, Acc, Dat
%% There are no 3rd person nom and acc markers.

\subsection{Background: Agreement}

%% Agreement:  Nom, Acc

\noindent
Choctaw is a pro-drop language.  Often, the verb's arguments do not
appear as separate noun phrases, but only as agreement affixes.  There
are nominative, accusative, and dative agreement affixes.   

\example{\gloss{1}
{Is-sa-bashli-tok.}
{2{\sc nom}-1{\sc acc}-cut-{\sc past}}
{{\it You cut me.\/}}}

\noindent
Third person nominative and accusative agreement affixes are null
(zero morpheme), and are not shown in the data in this problem.
In example \ex{0}, there is no agreement marker for the patient ({\it
house\/}) because it is third person.

\example{\gloss{2}
{Chokka & hach\~{i}-k\~{a}chi-li-tok.}
{house & 2{\sc pl.dat}-sell-1{\sc nom}-{\sc past}}
{{\it I sold you (pl.) the house.\/}}}


\subsection{Background: Case}

%% Case: Nom and Obl
%% Oblique case is optional.
%% Nom case is oblig. on subjects.

\noindent 
Choctaw has two case markers that appear on noun phrases,
nominative and oblique (everything that is not nominative).
Nominative case marking is obligatory and oblique case marking is
optional.

\example{\gloss{3}
{Ofi-t & katos-\~{a} & kopoli-tok.}
{dog-{\sc nom} & cat-{\sc det.obl} & bite-{\sc past}}
{{\it The dog bit the cat.'}}}

%% Case: Nom

\example{\gloss{2}
{Soba-t & \~{i}pa-tok.}
{horse-{\sc nom} & eat-{\sc past}}
{{\it The horse ate.\/}}}

\subsection{Background: Focus Constructions}

\noindent
Examples \ex{0} and \ex{1} show two focus constructions.  In both
examples, the nominative NP is marked with a focus marker.  

\example{\gloss{3}
{An-a-t-o & hoshi & pisa-li-tok.}
{1-{\sc det-nom-contr} & bird & see-1{\sc nom-pst}}
{I {\it saw the bird.\/}}}

%% Focus nominal: nom
\example{\gloss{3}
{Ofi-a-kosh & katos & kopoli-tok.}
{dog-{\sc det-focus.nom} & cat & bite-{\sc past}}
{{\it The dog was the one that bit the cat.'}}}

\noindent
Example \ex{0} shows an oblique NP in a focus construction.

%% Focus nominal: obl
\example{\gloss{3}
{Katos-a-k\~{o} & ofi-t & kopoli-tok.}
{cat-{\sc det-focus.obl} & dog-{\sc nom} & bite-{\sc past}}
{{\it It was the cat that the dog bit.'}}}

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
\subsection{Case marking and agreement for non-agents}
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\noindent
Agents of transitive verbs have nominative case marking and trigger
nominative agreement marking on the verb.  However, some non-agent
arguments behave differently.\\[10pt]


\noindent
{\bf Question 1:}  What is the agreement marker for the patient
argument in sentence \ex{0}?

\example{\gloss{1}
{Sa-ttola-tok.}
{1{\sc acc}-fall-{\sc past}}
{{\it I fell\/.}}}

\newpage

\noindent
{\bf Question 2:}  What is the case marker on the patient noun
phrase in Examples \ex{0} and \ex{1}?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 3:} Why doesn't the verb have a marker agreeing with the
patient in \ex{0}?

\example{\gloss{2}
{Chim-alla-t & ittola-tok.}
{2{\sc poss}-child-{\sc nom} & fall-{\sc past}}
{{\it Your child fell.\/}}}

\example{\gloss{2}
{Pishn-a-kosh & pi-kapassa.}
{1{\sc pl-det-focus.nom} & 1{\sc pl.acc}-cold}
{{\it We are the ones who are cold.\/}}}

\noindent
We will follow Van Valin's terminology in identifying three kinds of
experiencers --- cognizers, perceivers, and emoters.\\[8pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 4:} What is the agreement marker for the cognizer in
Example~\ex{0}a? \\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 5:} What is the agreement marker for the cognizer in
Example~\ex{0}b? \\[10pt]

\examples{
\item \gloss{3}
{Shokha an\~opa & is-yimmi & h\~{o}?}
{story & 2{\sc nom}-believe & {\sc q}}
{{\it Do you believe the story?\/}}

\item \gloss{3}
{Shokha an\~opa & chi-yimmi & h\~{o}?}
{story & 2{\sc acc}-believe & {\sc q}}
{{\it Do you believe the story?\/}}}

\newpage

\noindent
{\bf Question 6:} What is the agreement marker for the cognizer in
Example~\ex{0}a? \\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 7:} What is the agreement marker for the stimulus in
Example~\ex{0}a? \\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 8:} What is the agreement marker for the cognizer in
Example~\ex{0}b? \\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 9:} What is the agreement marker for the stimulus in
Example~\ex{0}b? \\[10pt]

\examples{
\item \gloss{1}
{Chi-banna-li.}
{2{\sc acc}-want-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I want you.\/}}

\item \gloss{1}
{Chi-sa-banna.}
{2{\sc acc}-1{\sc acc}-want}
{{\it I want you.\/}}}

\noindent
{\bf Question 10:} What is the agreement marker for the cognizer in
Example~\ex{0}? \\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 11:} What is the agreement marker for the stimulus in
Example~\ex{0}? \\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 12:} What is the case marker for the cognizer in
Example~\ex{0}? \\[10pt]

\example{\gloss{3}
{Chishn-a-kosh & shokha an\~{o}pa & chi-anokotklo.}
{2-{\sc det-foc.nom} & story & 2{\sc acc}-doubt}
{{\it You are the one who doubts the story.\/}}}

\noindent
{\bf Question 13:} What is the agreement marker for the cognizer in
Example~\ex{0}? \\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 14:} What is the agreement marker for the stimulus in
Example~\ex{0}? \\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 15:} What is the case marker for the cognizer in
Example~\ex{0}? \\[10pt]


\example{\gloss{2}
{An-a-t-o & chi-sa-banna.}
{1-{\sc det-nom-contr} & 2{\sc acc}-1{\sc acc}-want}
{I {\it want you.\/}}} 

\noindent
{\bf Question 16:} Summarize.  What case markers can appear on
cognizer NPs?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 17:} Summarize.  What agreement markers can be
triggered by cognizer NPs?\\[10pt]

\newpage

\noindent
This page contains more examples of cognizers and stimuli.  There are
no new facts on this page.

\examples{
\item \gloss{1} 
{Chi-si-anoktoklo.}
{2{\sc acc}-1{\sc acc}-doubt}
{{\it I doubt you.\/}}

\item \gloss{3} 
{Shokha an\~{o}pa & chi-anokfohka & h\~{o}?}
{Story & 2{\sc acc}-understand & {\sc q}}
{{\it Do you understand the story?\/}}

\item \gloss{1} 
{chi-pi-anokfohka.}
{2{\sc acc}-1{\sc pl.acc}-understand}
{{\it We understand you?\/}}

\item \gloss{2} 
{Sa-chi-anokfohka & h\~{o}?}
{1{\sc acc}-2{\sc acc}-understand & {\sc q}}
{{\it Do you understand me?\/}}}

\newpage

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
\subsection{Dative-Accusative Alternation}
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\noindent
In Example \ex{0}a, the verb agrees with {\it horse\/} with a zero 
accusative agreement marker.\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 18:}  What is the agreement marker for {\it horse\/}
in~\ex{0}b?  \\[10pt]


\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Issoba & shilli-li-tok.}
{horse & comb-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I combed the horse.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{Issoba & \~{i}-shilli-li-tok.}
{horse & 3{\sc dat}-comb-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I combed the horse.\/}}}

\noindent
{\bf Question 19:}  What is the agreement marker for the agent
in~\ex{0}a?  \\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 20:}  What is the agreement marker for the patient
in~\ex{0}a?  \\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 21:}  What is the agreement marker for the patient
in~\ex{0}b?  \\[10pt]


\examples{\item \gloss{1}
{Chi-alikchi-l-a:-ch\~{i}.}
{2{\sc acc}-doctor-1{\sc nom-irr-fut}}
{{\it I will doctor you.\/}}

\item \gloss{1}
{Chim-alikchi-l-a:-ch\~{i}.}
{2{\sc dat}-doctor-1{\sc nom-irr-fut}}
{{\it I will doctor you.\/}}}

\newpage

\subsection{Emotion Verbs}

\noindent
{\bf Question 22:} What agreement markers can be triggered by emoters
in the examples on this page?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 23:} What agreement markers can be triggered by stimuli
of emotion verbs in the examples on this page?\\[10pt]

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Is-s\~{a}-nokkilli & h\~{o}?}
{2{\sc nom}-1{\sc dat}-hate & {\sc q}}
{{\it Do you hate me?}}

\item \gloss{2}
{\~{A}-chi-nokkilli & h\~{o}?}
{1{\sc dat}-2{\sc acc}-hate & {\sc q}}
{{\it Do you hate me?}}}

\examples{
\item \gloss{1}
{Ch\~{i}-nokh\~{a}klo-li.}
{2{\sc dat}-pity-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I pity you.\/}} 

\item \gloss{1}
{Ch\~{i}-sa-nokh\~{a}klo.}
{2{\sc dat}-1{\sc acc}-pity}
{{\it I pity you.\/}} }

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Nita-ma & \~{i}-noksho:pa-li.}
{bear-{\sc det} & 3{\sc dat}-fear-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I am afraid of the bear.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{Nita-ma & \~{i}-sa-noksho:pa.}
{bear-{\sc det} & 3{\sc dat}-1{\sc acc}-fear}
{{\it I am afraid of the bear.\/}}}

\newpage

\noindent
{\bf Quesion 24:} What case marker can be used for an emoter NP?\\[10pt]


\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{An-a-kosh & ch\~{i}-sa-palata.}
{1-{\sc det-focus.nom} & 2{\sc dat}-1{\sc acc}-miss.}
{{\it I am the one who misses you.\/}}

\item \bad{*} \gloss{2} 
{An-a-k\~{o} & ch\~{i}sa-palata.}
{1-{\sc det-focus.obl} & 2{\sc dat}-1{\sc acc}-miss.}
{{\it I am the one who misses you.\/}}}

\newpage

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
\subsection{Test 1: Possessor Ascension}
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\noindent
Example \ex{1} illustrates {\it possessor ascension}.  In this
construction, a possessor of a noun phrase ``ascends'' up to become an
argument of the verb.  English does not really have possessor
ascension.  The closest thing we have is show in~\ex{0}.  In \ex{0}a,
{\it my\/} is a possessor of {\it arm\/}.  It is not an argument of
{\it hit\/}.  In~\ex{0}b, {\it me\/} is an argument of {\it hit.\/}

\examples{\item He hit my arm.
\item He hit me on the arm.}

\vspace{.5cm}

\noindent
{\bf Question 25:} Does the verb have an agreement marker for {\it
my\/} in Example~\ex{0}a?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 26:} Does the verb have an agreement marker for {\it
my\/} in Example~\ex{0}b?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 27:} What is the verb agreement marker for {\it
my\/} in Example~\ex{0}b?\\[10pt]


\examples{\item \gloss{3}
{Ofi-t & \~{a}-katos & kopoli-tok.}
{dog-{\sc nom} & 1{\sc poss}-cat & bite-{\sc past}}
{{\it The dog bit my cat.'}}

\item \gloss{3}
{Ofi-t & katos & \~{a}-kopoli-tok.}
{dog-{\sc nom} & cat & 1{\sc dat}-bite-{\sc past}}
{{\it The dog bit my cat.'}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Chim-issoba & shilli-li-tok.}
{2{\sc poss}-horse & comb-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I combed your horse.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{Issoba & ch\~{i}-shilli-li-tok.}
{horse & 2{\sc dat}-comb-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I combed your horse.\/}}}

\newpage

\noindent It is important to notice that \ex{-2}b cannot mean {\it My
dog bit the cat\/}.  That is, only the possessor of the object can
ascend.  A possessor of the subject cannot ascend.  However, the
possessor of the subject of an intransitive verb can ascend.

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Am-alla-t & \~{i}pa-tok.}
{1{\sc poss}-child-{\sc nom} & eat-{\sc past}}
{{\it My child ate.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{alla-t & am-\~{i}pa-tok.}
{child-{\sc nom} & 1{\sc dat}-eat-{\sc past}}
{{\it My child ate.\/}}}

\noindent
Examples \ex{0} and \ex{1} show possessor ascension with cognition
verbs.  \\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 28:}  Which noun phrases can the possessor ascend from
(cognizer or stimulus)?\\[10pt]

\examples{\item \gloss{3}
{Alla-t & \~{a}-shoka an\~{o}pa & anoktoklo.}
{child-{\sc nom} & 1{\sc poss}-story & doubt.}
{{\it The child doubts my story.\/}}

\item \gloss{3}
{Am-alla-t & shoka an\~{o}pa & anoktoklo.}
{1{\sc poss}-child-{\sc nom} & story & doubt.}
{{\it My child doubts the story.\/}}

\item \gloss{3}
{alla-t & shoka an\~{o}pa & am-anoktoklo.}
{child-{\sc nom} & story & 1{\sc dat}-doubt.}
{{\it My child doubts the story.\/} OR  {\it The child doubts my story.}}}

\example{\gloss{3}
{Issoba-ya-t & t\~{a}chi & \~{a}-banna.}
{horse-{\sc det-nom} & corn & 1{\sc dat}-want}
{{\it The horse wants my corn.\/} OR  {\it My horse wants corn.}}}

\newpage

\noindent
Examples \ex{0} and \ex{1} show possessor ascension with emotion 
verbs.  \\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 29:}  Examples \ex{0} and \ex{1} show possessor
ascension from which argument (emoter or stimulus)?\\[10pt]

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Am-alla-t & ch\~{i}-nokh\~{a}klo.}
{1{\sc poss}-child-{\sc nom} & 2{\sc dat}-pity}
{{\it My child pities you.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{Alla-t & \~{a}-ch\~{i}-nokh\~{a}klo.}
{child-{\sc nom} & 1{\sc dat}-2{\sc dat}-pity}
{{\it My child pities you.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Am-ofi-t & ch\~{i}-kom\~{o}ta.}
{1{\sc poss}-dog-{\sc nom} & 2{\sc dat}-fear}
{{\it My dog is afraid of you.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{Ofi-t & \~{a}-ch\~{i}-kom\~{o}ta.}
{dog-{\sc nom} & 1{\sc dat}-2{\sc dat}-fear}
{{\it My dog is afraid of you.\/}}}

\newpage

\noindent {\bf Question 30:} Examples \ex{0}--\ex{3} show possessor
ascension from patients and stimuli.  What is the agreement marker of
the NP that the possessor ascends from?

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Chim-issoba & \~{i}-shilli-li-tok.}
{2{\sc poss}-horse & 3{\sc dat}-comb-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I combed your horse.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{Issoba & chim-\~{i}-shilli-li-tok.}
{horse & 2{\sc dat}-3{\sc dat}-comb-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I combed your horse.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Chim-ofi & \~{i}-nokkilli-li.}
{2{\sc poss}-dog & 3{\sc dat}-hate-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I hate your dog.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{Ofi & chim-\~{i}-nokkilli-li.}
{dog & 2{\sc dat}-3{\sc dat}-hate-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I hate your dog.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Ch\~{i}-chokka & \~{i}-pi-noksho:pa.}
{2{\sc poss}-house & 3{\sc dat}-1{\sc pl.acc}-fear}
{{\it We are afraid of your house.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{chokka & chim-\~{i}-pi-noksho:pa.}
{house & 2{\sc dat}-3{\sc dat}-1{\sc pl.acc}-fear}
{{\it We are afraid of your house.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Ch\~{i}-katos & \~{i}-sa-nokh\~{a}klo.}
{2{\sc poss}-cat & 3{\sc dat}-1{\sc acc}-pity}
{{\it I feel sorry for your cat.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{katos & chim-\~{i}-sa-nokh\~{a}klo.}
{cat & 2{\sc dat}-3{\sc dat}-1{\sc acc}-pity}
{{\it I feel sorry for your cat.\/}}}

\subsection{Switch Reference and Same Subject}

\noindent
The sentences in this section illustrate conjoined sentences
(with no conjunction reduction).  There are two special morphemes:
{\sc ss} means that the two conjoined clauses have the same subject.
{\sc sr} means that the two conjoined clauses have different subjects.

\noindent
{\bf Question 31:} Why is sentence \ex{0}b ungrammatical?\\[10pt]
\noindent
{\bf Question 32:} Why is sentence \ex{1}b ungrammatical?\\[10pt]

\examples{\item \gloss{4}
{Tobi & apa-li-{\it cha\/} & oka & ishko-li-tok.}
{beans & eat-1{\sc nom-ss} & water & drink-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I ate beans and drank water.\/}}

\item \bad{*} \gloss{4} 
{Tobi & apa-li-{\it na\/} & oka & ishko-li-tok.}
{beans & eat-1{\sc nom-sr} & water & drink-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I ate beans and drank water.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{4}
{Tobi & apa-li-{\it na\/} & t\~{a}chi & ish-pa-tok.}
{beans & eat-1{\sc nom-sr} & corn & 2{\sc nom}-eat-{\sc past}}
{{\it I ate beans and you ate corn.\/}}

\item \bad{*} \gloss{4} 
{Tobi & apa-li-{\it cha\/} & t\~{a}chi & ish-pa-tok.}
{beans & eat-1{\sc nom-ss} & corn & 2{\sc nom}-eat-{\sc past}}
{{\it I ate beans and you ate corn.\/}}}

\newpage

\noindent
{\bf Question 32:} What is the semantic role of the subject of {\it
afraid\/} in \ex{0}?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 33:} What is the agreement marker of the subject of {\it
afraid\/} in \ex{0}?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 34:} Why is \ex{0}b ungrammatical?\\[10pt]

\examples{\item \gloss{3}
{Nita-ma & \~{i}-noksho:pa-li-cha & \~{i}-bali:li-li-tok.}
{bear-{\sc det} & 3{\sc dat}-fear-1{\sc nom-ss} & 3{\sc dat}-run-1{\sc
nom-past}}
{{\it I was afraid of the bear and ran from it.\/}}

\item \bad{*} \gloss{3} 
{Nita-ma & \~{i}-noksho:pa-li-na & \~{i}-bali:li-li-tok.}
{bear-{\sc det} & 3{\sc dat}-fear-1{\sc nom-sr} & 3{\sc dat}-run-1{\sc
nom-past}}
{{\it I was afraid of the bear and ran from it.\/}}}

\noindent
{\bf Question 35:} What is the agreement marker of the subject of {\it
afraid\/} in \ex{0}?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 36:} What is surprising about \ex{0}b?\\[10pt]

\examples{\item \gloss{3}
{Nita-ma & \~{i}-sa-noksho:pa-cha & \~{i}-bali:li-li-tok.}
{bear-{\sc det} & 3{\sc dat}-1{\sc acc}-fear-{\sc ss} & 3{\sc dat}-run-1{\sc
nom-past}}
{{\it I was afraid of the bear and ran from it.\/}}

\item \gloss{3} 
{Nita-ma & \~{i}-sa-noksho:pa-na & \~{i}-bali:li-li-tok.}
{bear-{\sc det} & 3{\sc dat}-1{\sc acc}-fear-{\sc sr} & 3{\sc dat}-run-1{\sc
nom-past}}
{{\it I was afraid of the bear and ran from it.\/}}}

\newpage

\noindent
More examples.  No new facts in \ex{0}--\ex{2}.

\examples{\item \gloss{3}
{Sa-hohchafo-{\it cha\/} & tobi & nonachi-li-tok.}
{1{\sc acc}-hungry-{\sc ss} & beans & cook-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I was hungry and cooked some beans.\/}}

\item \gloss{3}
{Sa-hohchafo-{\it na\/} & tobi & nonachi-li-tok.}
{1{\sc acc}-hungry-{\sc sr} & beans & cook-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I was hungry and cooked some beans.\/}}}

%% Cognizer takes SS or SR

\examples{\item \gloss{4}
{Ch\~{i}-shokha an\~{o}pa & si-anoktoklo-{\it cha\/} &
chim-anoli-li-tok.}
{2{\sc poss}-story & 1{\sc acc}-doubt-{\sc ss} & 2{\sc dat}-tell-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I doubted your story and told you so.\/}}

\item \gloss{4}
{Ch\~{i}-shokha an\~{o}pa & si-anoktoklo-{\it na\/} &
chim-anoli-li-tok.}
{2{\sc poss}-story & 1{\sc acc}-doubt-{\sc sr} & 2{\sc dat}-tell-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I doubted your story and told you so.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{3}
{Soba & sa-banna-{\it cha\/} & ch\~{o}pa-li-tok.}
{horse & 1{\sc acc}-want-{\sc ss} & buy-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I wanted a horse and bought one.\/}}

\item \gloss{3}
{Soba & sa-banna-{\it na\/} & ch\~{o}pa-li-tok.}
{horse & 1{\sc acc}-want-{\sc sr} & buy-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I wanted a horse and bought one.\/}}}


\newpage

\subsection{Another Test}
\label{control}

\noindent 
{\bf Question 37:} What behavioral property of subjects is
illustrated in \ex{0}b?  (This is one that you are familiar with.)
The morpheme {\sc comp} means that the verb is a complement of another
verb. \\[10pt]

\examples{\item \gloss{3}
{Mary & ish-ahpal-a:-ya-t & ish-ahni.}
{Mary & 2{\sc nom}-kiss-{\sc irr-comp-ss} & 2{\sc nom}-think.}
{{\it You think you should kiss Mary.\/}}

\item \gloss{3}
{Mary & ahpal-a:-ya-t & ish-ahni.}
{Mary & kiss-{\sc irr-comp-ss} & 2{\sc nom}-think.}
{{\it You think you should kiss Mary.\/}}}

\newpage

\noindent
{\bf Question 38:} What is the agreement marking for cognizers and emoters
of the embedded clause in \ex{0}--\ex{2}?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 39:} Do they pass the test for subjecthood illustrated in
\ex{-1}b? \\[10pt]

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Sa-nayokpa-ka-t & ikha:na-li.}
{1{\sc acc}-happy-{\sc comp-ss} & know-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I know I am happy.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{Nayokpa-ka-t & ikha:na-li.}
{happy-{\sc comp-ss} & know-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I know I am happy.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{3}
{Shokha an\~{o}pa & chi-anoktoklo-ka-t & ish-ikha:na.}
{story & 2{\sc acc}-doubt-{\sc comp-ss} & 2{\sc nom}-know}
{{\it You know you doubt the story.\/}}

\item \gloss{3}
{Shokha an\~{o}pa & anoktoklo-ka-t & ish-ikha:na.}
{story & doubt-{\sc comp-ss} & 2{\sc nom}-know}
{{\it You know you doubt the story.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Chi-si-anokfohka-ka-t & ahni-li.}
{2{\sc acc}-1{\sc acc}-understand-{\sc comp-ss} & think-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I think I understand you.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{Chi-anokfohka-ka-t & ahni-li.}
{2{\sc acc}-understand-{\sc comp-ss} & think-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I think I understand you.\/}}}

\newpage

\subsection{Reflexive Pronouns}

\noindent
{\bf Question 40:}  What can Choctaw reflexive pronouns refer to
(subject, object, recipient)?\\[10pt]

\example{\gloss{1}
{Ili-bashli-li-tok.}
{{\sc refl}-cut-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I cut myself.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{3}
{Hattak-a-t & alla-y\~{a} & il\~{i}k\~{a}chi-tok.}
{man-{\sc det-nom} & child-{\sc det.obl} & {\sc refl.dat}-sell-{\sc
past}}
{{\it The man({\it i\/}) sold the child({\it j\/}) to himself({\it
i/*j\/}).}}

\item \gloss{3}
{John & holisso & ilim-\~{i}-ka\~{a}chi-li-tok.}
{John & book & {\sc refl.dat}-3{\sc dat}-sell-1{\sc nom-past}}
{{\it I sold the book to John for myself/*himself.\/}}}

\noindent
{\bf Question 41:}  In the a sentences of \ex{0}--\ex{3} what is the
agreement marker of the cognizer or emoter?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 42:}  Can the cognizers and emoters in the a sentences
be antecedents of reflexive pronouns?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 43:}  In the b sentences of \ex{0}--\ex{3} what is the
agreement marker of the cognizer or emoter?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 44:}  Can the cognizers and emoters in the b sentences
be antecedents of reflexive pronouns?\\[10pt]

\examples{\item \gloss{1}
{Ish-ili-banna.}
{2{\sc nom}-{\sc refl}-want}
{{\it You want yourself.\/}}

\item \gloss{1}
{ili-chi-banna.}
{{\sc refl}-2{\sc acc}-want}
{{\it You want yourself.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{1}
{Il-ili-yimmi.}
{1{\sc pl.nom}-{\sc refl}-believe}
{{\it We believe ourselves.\/}}

\item \gloss{1}
{Ili-pi-yimmi.}
{{\sc refl}-1{\sc pl.acc}-believe}
{{\it We believe ourselves.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{1}
{Il\~{i}-kom\~{o}ta-li.}
{{\sc refl}-fear-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I fear myself.\/}}

\item \gloss{1}
{Il\~{i}-sa-kom\~{o}ta.}
{{\sc refl}-1{\sc acc}-fear}
{{\it I fear myself.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{1}
{Il\~{i}-nokh\~{a}klo-li.}
{{\sc refl}-pity-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I feel sorry for myself.\/}}

\item \gloss{1}
{Il\~{i}-sa-nokh\~{a}klo.}
{{\sc refl}-1{\sc acc}-pity}
{{\it I feel sorry for myself.\/}}}

\newpage

\subsection{Summarize}

\noindent
Summarize your findings about the behavior of cognizers and
emoters with accusative verb agreement.\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 45:}  Do they act like subjects with respect to
possessor ascension?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 46:}  Do they act like subjects with respect to
switch reference?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 47:}  Do they act like subjects in Section~\ref{control}?\\[10pt]

\noindent
{\bf Question 48:}  Do they act like subjects with respect to
reflexive pronouns?
\end{document}

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
%% Extras
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%


\example{\gloss{1}
{Chim-ihaksi-li.}
{2{\sc dat}-forget-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I forgot you.\/}}}

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
%% Test 5: Reflexive Embedded Subject
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

%% Subjects of unaccusative verbs can be reflexive when they are
%% embedded under "believe".  

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Sa-nayokpa-ka-t & yimmi-li.}
{1{\sc acc}-happy-{\sc comp-ss} & believe-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I believe that I am happy.\/}}

\item \gloss{2}
{Ili-nayokpa-ka-t & yimmi-li.}
{{\sc refl}-happy-{\sc comp-ss} & believe-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I believe myself to be happy.\/}}}

%% Cognizers do not act like unaccusative subjects in this 
%% construction.

\examples{\item \gloss{3}
{Ofi & sa-banna & yimmi-li.}
{dog & 1{\sc acc}-want & believe-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I believe that I want a dog.\/}}

\item \bad{*} \gloss{3} 
{Ofi & ili-banna & yimmi-li.}
{dog & {\sc refl}-want & believe-1{\sc nom}}
{{\it I believe myself to want a dog.\/}}}

\examples{\item \gloss{2}
{Chi-sa-yimmi & sa-banna.}
{2{\sc acc}-1{\sc acc}-believe & 1{\sc acc}-want}
{{\it I want that I believe you.\/}}

\item \bad{*} \gloss{2} 
{Chi-ili-yimmi & sa-banna.}
{2{\sc acc}-{\sc refl}-believe & 1{\sc acc}-want}
{{\it I want to believe you.\/}}}
