17

THE SECT: SCIENTOLOGY

Scientology personnel. Many recruits first attend a free public
lecture or nominally priced Personal Efficiency Foundation Course.
These courses are devised to interest the public in Scientology and
draw them into further commitment.

A P13 Foundation is a programmed drill calculated to introduce
people to Scientology and to bring their cases up to a high level
of reality both on Scientology and on life....PE Foundation in its
attitude goes for broke on the newcomers, builds up their interest
with lectures and knocks their cases apart with comm course and
upper indoc,...Never let anyone simply walk out. Convince him he's
loony if he doesn't gain on it becawe that's the truth...

Under the broad heading of attachment the factors which led to the
emergence of some initial firm commitment on the part of those
recruited to the movement will be examined. From the material
available, three bases of affiliation can be discerned: cognitive,
experienhal and affechve. By vog1litive grounds are meant bases for
further commitment of a primarily intellectual kind. For example, a
doctor cited earlier attended an introductory Scientology lecture
and found it stimulating, the lectuTer was talking ahout practical
life and relationships in simplified terms about three concepts
involved. I was tired of reading academic books containing r7
theories of learning which had no bearing on the way one actually
lives. I was also tired of hospital psychiatry. r'd done psychiatnc
clinics myself in which one saw people for 30 minutes and
pre)cribed a pill and never rcally had much contact with them. Thu
at least seemed to be direct and immediate.' Others indicated that
they found the talks 'logical', that they were impressed by the
explanations Oiven for human behaviour, or that they found it made
particular sense.

Many became committed to Scientology on expot intial gTounds. Some
particular experience convrtced them that Scientology was the key
to something important. One questionnaire respondent indicated that
he lost his doubts when his wife was cured of migraine by a 'touch
assist'. An mterview respondent indicated that he became convinced
during his first auditing session when they did an assessment and
the charged item was 'a child'. So then they ran me on a process -
what have you done to a child, what have you withheld from a child.
And the moment they assed those questions, something happened.
Suddenly I was looking at the body of a little boy and I was
recalling and suddenly I knew it was what I had done to this hody
when it was a child whieh had established the patterns for whatever
bappered later...3 Less dramatically, a number of individuals found
that as a result of Scientology drills and techniques they were
better able to communicate with others, or experienced other iL
provements, psychological or interpersonal.

I L. Ron Hubbard, 'The organisation of a PE Foundation', ICO
Bulletin, 29 September sg59, cited in Kevin Vietor Andenon, eport
of ths soard of nqur mto Sc)ntoloy (Government Printer,
Melbourne, Awtralia, s965), pwo3.

3 Interview. 3 Inteniew. I found that [co-auditing with other
beginning students] helped mo tremendouSIY. and it seemed to help
the people I was auditing too.l When I began having Scientology
auditing I was impressed by the fact that it did work just as the
books had said it would.S

The other major theme emerging from the interviews was that in
which the motivatiOn for amliation developed on primarily lfltctivr
grounds. The indi vidual became emotionally committed to Hubbard,
to other Scientologists in narticular or to the warm expressive
atmosphere displayed in many Scientology .ganizationS One interview
respondent cited earlier became emotionally .nvolved with a
committed Scientologist who discussed past lives with her and told
her she was one of a group of thetans

who through all the centuries had been influencing people for
good...I was... one of this fantastic group...At first I thought he
was insane, and then I was slightly flattered of course.t

Others were attracted by Hubbard's 'magnetic personality'. Many
were impressed by the immediate acceptance that they found among
Scientologists. They were warmly welcomed into the group, greeted,
and applauded. Every success was broadcast and congratulated. They
were 'validated' in what they did .

Mine was the time of 'Quickie Release Grades' a fairly short
period - and people went around saying 'This is fantastic. This is
a record'. Flinging their arms around me. 'Never been done before.
What a fantastic thetan you must be'. Of course this puffed me up
tremendowly. With everybody eongratulatmg me so much of course I
had to write the most fantastic Success Story. I mean I owed it to
these people who eongratulated me.

Many found themselves with a group of friends for the first time in
years.

People eome in and immediately they're enclosed in this atmosphere,
which, when it first hits you seems a tremendously good and healthy
atmosphere becawe everybody seems to be friends with everybody
else. An awful lot of lonely people go into it I think becawe they
find this tremendous welcome...for the loner coming in...People
need company. They want to be accepted and one thing the
Scitntologists did was accept people. They would tolerate an awful
lot, beeause they had this thing, you must never invalidate any-
body. For someone who's been pushed down, suddenly to find people
coming up and saying, 'Well, look you're a beautiful person in your
own right. There are qualities in you which are likeable and
lovable...; it's bound to do them good, to give them a lift, and
then they eome back and buy the courses.-

Sveivliztttion Individuals enter Scientology with a multiplicity of
goals of a personal kind which they wish to pursue. Socia]ization
within the movement is oriented to the Interview. 5 Questionnaire
respondent. ' Interview. ' Interview. 5 Interview. 17.

 THE SECT: SCIENTOLOOY

progressive transmutation of such personal goals into Scientology
goals, that is to ends permitted or preferred by the movement's
leaders. Individuals also enter Scientology on a largely unselected
basis. There is of course a differential appeal to certain
categories of potential recruit, and no doubt considerable
self-selection, but the movement does not require the display of
any particular mark of merit nor the negotiation of any test of
merit before an individual may join. [oreover, unlike other
movements which proselytize widely, such as Jehovah's Witnesses, no
extensive probationary penod is required before full acceptance
into the movement. Thus recruits are a potential source of
disruphon and must be socialized as quicklv as possible into the
movement's norms and values to neutraiize this disruptive
potential.

A major step is taken in the socialization of recruits once the
individual comes to see the current level of training or auditing
on which he is worhng as but the beginning of a journey through the
increasing number of such levels that are available up to O.T.8 and
Class XIII auditor (or whatever happens to be the number at any
particular time). The recruit often appears to experience a
considerable increase in self-confidence after the lower levels of
training. After several hours of 'confronting' and 'bull-baiting'
the individual may feel freer and more confident in interpersonal
relations. After auditing in which he may have come to speak of or
even think of things which he has reprcssed and hidden for many
years and v hich he has probably never confided to anyone, he may
experier.ce a profound sense of relief He has been released from
some sccret experience a profound sense of relief. He has been
released from some secret guilt or fear of many years standing,
which will, he is assured, never trouble him again. The lectures
which he attends provide him with a simple model of human behaviour
which in the tight of his confusions, uncertainties, and lack of
comprehension of iife's complexities, may appear as a sudden
revelation In a few simple but scientific-sounding terms he is
offered an account of his own actions and those of others which is
presented with absolute conviction. These insights and 'wins'
provide the motivation to continue to the next course of training
and auditing. If so much can be achieved at the lower levels, it is
reasoned, what can not be achieved at those beyond?

CurTent doubts and dmssatisfactions can be held in abeyance. Since
one is only a beginner one cannot expect everything to be revealed
at once. What one does not understand may be explained later. What
one does not accept may merely be the consequence of some aspect of
one's reactive mind, which will be resolved through future
auditing.

The enthusiasm of others on the course, or of Scientology friends,
is infectious. Group expectations lead the recruit to search for
some gain, to achieve a success, to believe that it has worked.

Ever -body believed so firmiy Lhat it could work for me, so l
couldn't not believe it

because I so much wanted to believe that it wruld work. verybody
wants to

believe that its working...or the whole thing is meaningless. So
there is this

tremendous what they call ·group agreement' that it does work.
Instantly I was caught up in this. I wasn't examining the thing,
and it did work, or I felt that it worked. Now, I think to myself:
I say it did work, but wh2t worked? I can't think of anything that
worked, but at the same time, yes, I thought, well thrist, I feel
marvellous, this works.l

Having experienced that some aspect of the belief system 'works',
having come to recognize his 'gains' as a consequence of
Scientology, perhaps even having committed himself to this in
writing in a 'Success Story', and having been applauded and
congratulated and handed a certificate, the member would often
willingly sign up for, and even pay a deposit or sign a cheque for,
a further course of audihng and training.

Anderson suggests that more intensive 'hard-sell' tacbcs have
sometimes been employed in some Orgs to ensure maximum financial
commitment by pre-clears. After convincing and signing up a recruit
for an amount of auditing, generally twenty-five hours, the
Registrar vould take the applicant and hls form to the Director of
Processing. The latter would talk to the applicant and endorse the
form to the effect that he could not accept the applicant, since it
was his considered opinion that only after some 250 to 300 hours of
auditing could the indivldual achieve a 'stable result' He would
then return the matter to the Registrar. The applicant, aghast at
his plight, would then often readily sign up for the greater number
of hours of audihng recommended.2 (The Church of Scientology assert
that the Anderson Report contained many inaccuracies, and point out
that the legislation which followed it has since [and in my view
rightly] been repealed in some states of Australia, or effectively
nullified by registration of the national Scientology church as a
recognized denomination for purposes of the Federal Marriage Act.)s

A parttcularly important means of both enhancing commitment and
socializing the individual is that of convincing him to take an
active part in Scientology by training as an auditor. When he has
achieved some success with Scientology, the member may become
convinced that this is something which he should not only benefit
from, but the benefits of which he should carry to others.
Scientology literature is studded with statements to the effect
that nuclear war, communist revolution, and sundry other ills can
be prevented only by the spread of Scientology. Thus appeal is made
to the altruism of the pre-clear. However, he shortly learns that
such altruism has concrete rewards. Taking the path to 'clear' by
the Training or Professional Route rather than by the Pre-clear
Route, that is taking courses to train as an auditor, while taking
auditing to become a 'clear', will save him nearly one-third in
total cost. In 197Z, the Training Route to clear cost in total
ul33 while the Pre-clear Route cost in the region of ul980.4
Helping Ron to 'clear the planet' by becoming

' Interview. Anderson, op. cit., pp. m4-5. Pensonal communication
Guardian's Office, November 1974.

Auditor, 77 (1972), p. 4 The prices are higher today. trained as a
professional auditor also promises a further return since the indi
vidual will then be qua ified to practise for a fee.

Those w ho are recruited to the movement without sufficient funds
to pay for training and auditing are encouraged to join the Org
staffwhere in return for long hours and low pay the member will
receive auditung free, or at a reduced rate. The individual thereby
commits himself as an employee as well as a follower.

By these means the recruit comes to identify his own goals with
those of the movement.l Only within Scientology is he fully
recogruzed and accepted as he is. Only Scientology has any real
answer to his particu]ar problem. As ht becomes increasingly
committed to the movement, he is increasingly alienated from
features of the world beyond. The literature which he reads heaps
invective on the medical profession, psychiatrists, politicians,
and newspapers He comes to learn that all of these, as well as a
number of Scientology defectors, are involved in a conspiracy to
silence Scientology through propaganda and legal attack, out of
fear of its innovatory message. He comes to learn that inside
Scientology individuals are sane and releasing all their abilities,
while outside fi a world full of people subject to their 'Banks'2
and liable to engage in irresponsible and destructive behaviour
at any time.

In the light of what he learns to see as the hostility of the
outside world and the attempts by communists and squirrels'S to
obtain Hubbard's 'data', he comes to recognize the need for strict
internal control. The more closely he comes to see his own goals as
linked to the avowed aims of the movement, the greater is the
legitimacy with which he endows the movement's norms as embodied in
the Ethics codes. The rigorous discipline of the movement, and the
regimentation to which recruits are subjected in the central
organizations, is accepted as necessary to achieving the goals the
individual has set, or those which he is beginning to acquire:

there was much that pleased me about the life at Samt Hill. I was
being taught tr crack down. It was one more burden lifted not to
have to be rebellious anymore rather, to be obedient. They were
gdving me the discipline I had lacked all my life, discipljne whieh
was going to be - in the long run - as beneficial as clearing...Ar.
almost impercephble change was occurring in me: I no longer
supposed that I was using Scientology for my own purposes. I liked
the feeling; it was a clean one. My old ways had been grandiose -
impure. Perhaps I was being afiected by the lines, the strict
regimen...If so, I appreeiated the value of what I was getting, and
was
gladtoseemyselfbecominglessawilfulintruderandmoreoneofthegroupattheH
ill.'

I This proeess is eentral to Kanter's concept of eommitment:
'Commitment thus refers to the willingness of people to do what
will help maintain the group because it provides what they need.'
Rosabeth Moss Kanter, Gmmlement and Community (Harvard University
Press, Cambridge Massaehussetts, 197Z), p. 66.

S Reactive memory banks. ' Non-approved practihonens. ' Kaufman,
op. cit., pmor.

TL sclLNToLoGIaAL cARrrR

 177

The gToup itself brings pressure to bear to secure conformity, in
part because being associated with someone whose Ethics are suspect
may lead to suspicion about their own.

It is a truly illuminating experience to be aisigned a Condition of
Liability... Colleagues whom you regarded as friends, seem suddenly
distant. They won't talk to you. They don't offer you cigarettes or
suggest you take a swig out of their Coke bottle. In some really
Eager Beaver cases, they even refuse your cigarettes when you offer
them !l

The recruit begins applying the Ethics codes to himself rather than
waihng to have them applied to him by the Ethics Officer.
Henceforth should he suffer any nagging scepticism he will realize
that it is not a rahonal response but simply the consequence of his
being in a 'Condition of Doubt'. Having assigned himself to this
condition, he can then proceed to apply the Ethics formula and
begin to work his way out. The individual begins to conceive of the
system of social control as central to the survival of the
movement, hence Ethics sanctions are not merely something to submit
to and suffer, they are to be wclcomed as a source of
EnlightenLr.ent.

I have just completed three days of fabulous wins with Ethics. I
really know what Ethics is all about now. Previously I'd had it
confused with punisbment, which its not at all. Clarice has helped
me to make my environment safer so that now I can be audited
succejsfully. I really know what it means to be 'jalvaged with
Ethics' and it's great !

Gloria Nickel, Clear No 700.'

Gloria Nickel, Clear No. 702.J So this is Ethics ! Its beautiful.
It's safe and helpful. I can really see for once how it makes
things right so tech can go in.

Janet Wiggins, Clear No. 1986.4 As the member begins to organize
his daily life in terms of the Ethics Condition and formulae, he
comes to embrace and mternalize the norms of the movement. After
receiving Integrity Processing and applying ethicj to her situatdon
as a writer, Ros Baws sat down and completed the script for her
comedy screen play...'I had been sitting there with thousands of
blocks, kmowing something was wrong', says Eos. 'After some
auditing and looking at the formulas for the Conditions...I just
did it. I had statistics on how many pages I had to do each day to
be in a Normal Condition. It was amazing. When I set my mind to it
I completed the entire script' .5 ProgTessively, the recruit comes
to acquire a vocabulary peculiar to the movement through which he
can articulate his thoughts and experiences, and in terms of which
he can locate and define the behaviour of others. He is feeling
'banky' that day (under the reshmulated influence of his reactive
mind); an acquaintance is '1 l on the Tone Scale', or 'covertly
hostile'; while another Cyril Vosper, rhe Mnd Bendtrs (Neville
Spearman, London, 1971), pp. 138 9.

aufman, op. cit., p. 155.

' Cltar Ner s, number and date unknown, p 5.

Clear Ntus, number unknown ( 1969, p. 5. · 'Integrity Processing: a
writers win-, Celthity Maeazint, Major Issue 6 (1972). t78

THr srcT: sclrNToLoGY

shows a high degree of ARC (Amnity, realitv and Communication).
Locahng his own situation and that of others in terms of this
vocabulary carTics with it as an almost automatic concomitant the
identification of the movement as the means of improving or
managing this situacion. Only Scientology beliefs and practices
prescribe means of coping vith problems identified in Scientology
language, or achieving a situation or state of mind that only
Scientology reveals, and to which it alone offers access. The added
lectures had their effect, however. I'd never paid much attention
to the specific meaning of the individual grades, except for IV.
fter hearing about them repeatedly, I began to eel that I really
was a Communicationr Release, a Problems Release, and the rest. It
got so that I reveled rsic] in Gerald's speech. He was recounting
my gains; it was mt he was describing, a Grade IV Release....It was
plain now that my rceital had been the result of processing after
all. I did owe it to Scientology. I was glad I had taken the course
and gone to the added lectures. It wasn't until Gerald had given me
a complete list of my gains that they became a reality to me I

As the pre-clear accepts the first steps of the theory and
technique he learns to see himseif suffermg from the restimulation
of traumatic events. The model of mental and spiritual functioning
on the basis of which he has achieved 'gains' in interpersonal
relations or in relief from some hidden guilt, also prescribes the
state of 'clear' as the only condition under which he would be
fully free from such problems in future. From the relief of some
parbcular pressing concern, the individual's goals are redirected
toward achieving the state of clear.

The recruit, in the light of his newfound commdence, psychological
relief, or enhanced ability, redemmes his past biogTaphy as
somethmng to which he does not wish to return:

I saw my old life as one big reaceive mind. My moods had been
a8feeted by everything around me: weather, plaees, people. A
person with a reactive mind was like a piece of lint blown about on
a windowsill.'

Hence his current improvementS can only be seen in the context of a
scientologically-defined biogTaphy. His current condition is only
the beginning, and can only be stabilized by continuing with
training and auditing, at least to the state of clear. Cleanng, he
learns, is the only permanent means of maintaining his currently
improved condition, and advancing beyond it. He acquires a 'vision'
of clearing which motivates heightened commitment, and submission
to the ngorous discipline cf the movement:

This vision represented fulfillment of all hope and escape from all
aversions. Tl gains that I felt I owed o Scientology were based
entirely upon a projection into tl future. The aversions were
mostly unknown to me until Seientology made me awa of them.a
Kaufman, op. cit., p. 44Kaufman, op. cit., p. 68. 3 Ibid., p. 67.

By the time that he reaches this state he will have spent anything
between six months and two years in the movement undergoing
training andor auditing, and have invested between ul3 and
u2000. Having achieved clear, he learns that to be sure of
maintaining his gains, and to achieve the spiritual abilities only
a short distance beyond, he must take the OT levels. In the case of
a number of those interviewed, on achieving the state of clear,
they felt, after the initial exultation had subsided, that very
little of any concrete kind had been gained. In the hope that the
OT levels ·vould provide more concrete demonstration of the
efficacy of the theory and practice on which they had spent so much
time and money, and in the pursuit of which they may have suffered
indignity and embarrassment as a result of Ethics treatment, they
invested sums in the region of umOO to ul37s to secure the further
knowledge and e:cperience they had come to see as so vital to their
personal development.

The novice is rendered more malleable to this process of
socialization by the injunction that he approach the material
without a 'ftxed opinion', that what he is being told is 'stable
data' tested on many thousands of cases, and that he should only
accept what is 'true for you' . The assumption, however, is that
shortly it will all become true for him, since the entire system is
an interlocking whole. The student is enjoined not to puzzle over
possible sources of disagreement. 'Figure, f gure', and 'Q

A' (Question and Answer) are not approved.

Iaintaining reservations indicates that one is 'hung up on a
maybe'.

A person who's being imparhal, conservahve, eic. is hung up on a
maybe so hard

that it would take tugs to get him off. Maintaining reservations
indicates that one is 'hung up on a maybe'.

A person who's being imparhal, conservative, etc. is hung up on a
maybe so ha that it would take tugs to get him off. ...figure,
figure, figure is...very far from eertainty.3

This condition is in need of remedy through auditing and
'cramming', before one proceeds further, and therefore slows one's
progress to the goals one seeks to achieve (and is, moreover, a
source of further expense).

[Scientology] attains [its] aims in precise and definite ways, ways
in which there is no rnom for 'maybes'.t

As one progresses further up the grades and levels of training it
becomes increasingly difficult to admit disagreements or doubts,
since to do so would endanger one's earlier achievements.
Disagreement might suggest that one had 'falsely attested' to the
earlier grades and levels, requiring that one retakt them, have a
'review', or become subject to Ethics penalhes. Doubts and
disagreements, as matters for remedy, have costly consequences, and
the incentives are therefore entirely in favour of easy
acquiescence.4

l The cost of the OT levels is detailed in Sir John G. Foster,
Enquiry into the Prectic and Effecls of Scicntoloy (HMSO, London,
1971, p. 102, The higher of the two figures is that given in
Aduancc!, issue 20 (AugustlSeptember, 1973), pmS.
2BothquotatinnsarefromPtofessionelAudior'sBull6tin, 1 (mMay
sgs3,p.4 3 Herbert Parkhouse, Scientoiogy and religion', Ccrtainty,
2, 9, p. 14.

: One of the characterishcs of the 'Suppressive Person', for
example, is that he does not 'respond to audihng'. 180

THE SZCT: SCILNTOLOGY

The further one progresses, the greater the commitment of time,
money, and ego-involvement one has made, and the harder it is to
admit that one has made a mistake. One's purpose in continuing
involvement has become not the achievement of some particular
improvement that, however nebulously, ont had identified in
oneself, but the achievement of a goal identified by the organi-
zation, by means vhich it alone provides. The client has become
transmuted into a follower.

Mobiliz,2tion Scientology is a movement with some totalitarian
features. Its leadership seeks not merely to secure a clientele for
its services, but to maximize the commitment of a large
unselected membership and mobilize them in the service ol the
organization. Mobilization is directed to the end of transforming
followers into achve, deployable agents who see their own salvation
intimately linked with the achievement of ends established by the
organizahon leadership. Generally such ends are those of promotion
and dissemination of Scientology, but othe include staffing of
Scientology Orgs, recruitment to the Sea Org, and tl enhancement of
the individual's commitmenr and dependency.

The members of the movement are early accusmmed to submitting heL
selves to direction by Org personnel. On entry into an Org
facility, the member ha8 to 'go through lines', that i8 through an
establisbed routine of pas5age from one post to another collecting
forms or other documentation, paying fees, awaiting an auditor,
etc. While waiting for service8 he will often be expected to occupy
hi8 time on some clencal task for promotional purposes. After a day
at the Org he may be asked to distribute leaflets to houses on his
route home,9 and when taking his traimng he will be required to
secure a pre-clear from among the public, on whom he can
demonstrate his competence and, if possible, recruit for
Scientology. During later stages of his training he is required to
undertake penods of 'intern8hip' during which he audits full-time
for the Org. When not taking training or auditing, the follower is
mobilized in the field. His increasing ahenation from the rest of
society, particularly from inter-

I When interviewed after having severed their connecOOn with
Scientology, some would refer to this proeess in which they were
transfommed into a following of the movement in terms which, if
often less elegant than those of Fischer referring to his own
commitment to Stalinism, mirrored his conclusions closely, on 'the
lengths to which a man can go who, though neither stupid nor
vicious, deliberately eeaseS to see, to listen, to think
criticallY, subordinabng his intellect to the "Credo gul:
absurdurn" so as not to doubt the cause he serves and, having thus
snbordinated bis intellect, proceeds to abuse it by clothing the
resulung nonsense in thretdbare syllogisms.' Ernst Fischer, An
Opposine Man (Allen Lane, London, 1974), cited in a review by
George Stelner, Sundcy Imes, 17 arch 1974

9 Kauman, op. cit., p. 199. personal relations with
non-Scientoiogists is exploited to the end of proselytization for
the movement:

LONESOME? Have people who don't know Scientology stopped making
'sense' to you? Start a Group. People don't bite. Ask them over to
a sociable evening to discuss forming a mental health group. When
they get there, don't ask them to join,Just eLect them as omCers.
Get them to agree on future meetings and the programs.

Assume they want to know more about Scientology. Explain
Scientology offhandedly as though it's sort of strange they don't
know and get on with group organisation and business I

He is encouraged to commit further resources to Scientology in
order to maintain his advances. He receives promotional hterature
on the follosving lines:

Targets to Total Freedom These targets have been designed to Decide
on arrival date at

ASHOIAOLA

[Etc.r To go clear by-

ASHOIAOLA

(date)

[Etc.]'

AOLA is your home for Clear and OT. The popular 'thetaccount' (the
'unbank'

account) was designed for you so you can invest in your future
self, Clear and OT,

by sending regular advance payments to the AO. [Etc.]3 He is
encouraged throughout his association with Scientology to take not
only audihng, but also training, to become an auditor rather than
merely a preclear. Becoming an auditor offers the porsibility not
only of conducting the self-audit levels of processing more
competently, but also of recouping some of the costs of auditing
and training by auditing others professionally in private practice
.

Those who have not committed themselves to a professional career as
an auditor, or have not yet achieved the necessary qualif cations,
can be mobilized as partor full-time Field Staff Members. These
individuals act as recruiting agents for the Org, receiving a
commission on the amount spent on Org services by the 'selected'
individual. In recent vears, the leadership have sought to mobilize
a Ir rger proportion of the membership as Field Staff Members, and
to tie them more closely to official Orgs. Policy published in 1968
expressed an Abilty, 50, p. 8.

Promotional leaflet. ASHO is Advanced organisation, Saint Hill;
AOLA lo Advanced organisation, Los ngeles.

Promotmnal leaflet 182

Tr SECT: SClrNTOLOGY

aspiration 'to reclaim and enrol as staff members everyone we have
ever trained' 5

The member is encouraged to attend Congresses and other mass
membersbip events designed to increase promobonal and
disseminational activities in the field, such as a mass meeting
early in 1974, which heralded the 'Battle of Britain' .

The True Battle of Britain is Beginning. L. Ron Hubbard has sent
Special Representatives to the United Kingdom. They have a
message from him for eaeh and every lJK Scientologist...It u
imprratiK thatyou atknd! ! ! A Special tape from L. Ron Hubbard,
will be played which you mtut hear. [Etc.]'

Encouragement is also particularly strong for members to join the
Org staffon a contractual basis or more permanently. The incentives
for younger members to join are considerable Without an established
career to which thev are committed and without adequate resources
to finance training and processing, working for the Org often has
considerable attraction. In particular, auditing and training are
made available (in the evenings) at reduced rates or free.

Staff Status Two, ii on contract, is entitled to free processing up
to Grade V, and so % discount on training and further processing
and uniforms.3

While pay is low and condihons often arduous, the young member
without familial obligations may find this no great bar. The staff
member is not tied to the Org by the mere formality of a contract.
Should he break his contract, for example, by defection, he becomes
liable for the full cost of all the training, processing and travel
expenses that he has received.4 Staffseconded for advanced training
and auditing are required to sign prommssory notes to the sum of
$5000 on each occasion.

pmccssinandtravelexnensesthathehrsreceivefl
ISaffserondrdforadvanced Such a Note...must be legally binding in
that if he breaks his Contract, he is automatically in debt to the
Org for 55,ooo.'

The acme of Scientology involvement is membersbip of the Sea Org.
Members at all levels of the movement are encouraged to join up.
Come and work as part of Ron's expanding team of Sea Org members
here at Saint Hill now I Contaet me immediately !

Love,

G-[sigmed]

G-E-

Area SecretaryC

I L. Ron Hubbard, 'Field auditors become staff', C0 Polic Ltkr May
g AD [After Dianetics] rs, revised and reissued 14January 1968.

' Promotional Leaflet, emphasis in the onginal. OEC, Vol. O, p. 4f.
' Ibid., pp. 48-9.

' Ibid., p. 52 One interview respondent received a bill for $ 14
ooo for services ren. dered while on eourse at the Sea Org Flag
ship, when expelled shordy after taking tht course, and was
threalened with civil suit for the collection of his sum.

' Letter to the author. TE}E SClE3iTOLOGlCAL CAREER

 103

Dear Roy, I note you have had some Scientology training. Here at S
t Hill we need people with Some training to train further to hold
vital Technical and Administrahve posts within the Sea Org.

As a Sea Org member you would have no domestic worries as all
accommodation and food is provided. This wlll free you up to really
expand as a being on all the Dynamics. You would be helping tD make
this Planet a safe and sane place to be thus aiding the survival of
all 8 dynamics.

The eompany and life in the Sea Org is very good, the Sea Org
people are a dedieated team who can see that Planet Earth could be
better and who are doing something to make it so.

The Clears and OTs leaving St Hill vouch for that.

So if you want to do something to help you are most welcome, I'd
like you to call at St Hill to see me.

Love,

J__p_I

Members are encouraged to become auditors, staff members, and Sea
Org personnel in order to assist Ron to 'Clear the Planet'. On
staff they become subject to remunerative as well as normahve
control 2 Their commitment is increased in the sense that more and
more resources are invested in the movement. 'Side-bets' are laid
on continuing membership,3 as the member increasingly withdraws
from external social relationships, career, and financial
involvements, centering all his resources and aspirations on the
movement. Staff members become totally dependent finanQally on the
Org, unless they possess independent incomes. Outside the Org they
are forbidden to audit pre-clears for a fee. Their incomes are
precarious, subject to the vicissitudes of Stats and Condicions.
Indeed in some Conditions, for example, Doubt, they are not
eligible for pay at all. Failure to fulfil the norms established by
the movement leadership therefore raises the threat of sanchons of
a far-reaching kind. The threat of financial liability at a
punitive rate for courses ta}ten while on staff, is a powerful
incentive for subordination.

Exulsion and defection

In this section we are concerned with the reasons why people ended
their association with the movement. Some, of course, had no choice
in the matter. They were expelled, despite some continuing
commitment to it. This commitment might be to other
Scientologists friends or relatives - or it might be a ' Letter
to the author, 28 October 1973. ' Amitai Etzioni, A Comparahus
Analysis of Complrx Organisations (Free Press, Glencoe, 61).

3 Howard Becker, 'Notes on the concept of commitment, Amcrican
Journal of Sociology, 66 (1960), pp. 32-4o.

' See Vosper, op. cit. 184

THE SECT: SCIENTOLOGY

continuing commitment to some of the beliefs and practices of
Scientology. In these latter cases, however, generally a measure of
alienahon from the organisation had already occurred. A
relatively high degree of antipathy toward the movement's
mechanisms of social control could co-exist with a continuing and
fervent belief in the theory and practise of auditing. Some time
after his break with Scientology, one formerly prominent figure in
the movement could still

If Ron said it was all a 'con', I would reply to him:

I feel sorry for you that that is all you have ot out of it' I

Individuals interviewed were found to have left the movement at
various points in their involvement with it, some after many years
assoCiatiOn, others after reading their first book on the subject.5
vloreover, except for those whose association was decisively
severed by expulsion, one could disassociate from Scientology in
very varying degTees. A number of those interviewed, while out of
touch with the movement for some time and conscious of aspects of
it of which they strongly disapproved, had made no irrevocable
break. Several expressed the feeling that when they had sufficient
funds, or when the period of severe authoritarianism was over, they
would return.

Reasons for disaffection with the movement fell generally into the
following categories.

1. Disaffection emerged as a result of the application of parhcular
practices of social control to oneself or to a close acquaintance
or relative. categories.

I just wanted to know more about the auditing. But they made it
hard. I was one

mmnute late one morning on course, for a very good reason...I
arrived just as the

roll-call was ending and said sorry...but the Course Supervisor
said, 'You must

have overts against the Org'. She said, 'You have to write out what
yoube done

against the organisation in order to have been late...' There were
many oeeasions

like that...Should I walk out, or should I learn more about this
auditing from

whmch I had had actual physieal benefit. So I stuck it out. But I
got less and less

interested . Another interview respondent was asked to disconnect
from his wife, who was declared an S.P. and, although he did so at
first, he became disturbed by this demand and returned to her. This
led to his also being declared an S.P. Others were also expelled
for refusing to disconnect from a friend declared to be a
Suppressive Person.

2. Others became disaffected, not as a result of any one specific
application of

Interview

To be fair to the movement and its following, one should perhaps
stress the obvious point that many individuals do not leave even
after many years' association. As far as an outside observer can
tell, despite a very considerable turnover of membersbip, there
are shll a few individuals in the movement who first joined in the
early 1950S. 3 Interview.

I Looked back over my hlstory m it and saw that ld done a lot oi
good things

THE SCIEITOLOCICAL CAREER

 185

harsh measures of social control, but rather as a result of what
they vie-ved as the developing authoritarian atmosphere of the
organization. ...it became a crime to doubt any of Hubbard's
statements, and I had always doubted a iot of Hubbard's statements,
but when I went in, it wasn't considered a crime, even if one was
given looks of incomprehension. I could not belong to any
organisation which said you mZst believe this and that. Also there
began to be strict codes of rules about Suppressive People...who
were declared to be enemies of Scientology and one was not meant to
have any contact with them...I was not willing to subscribe to
this. It seemed to me to be a paranoid set-up and getting too
fanatical, and I didn't want anything to do with this.l

Two former franchise operators in America also became disaffected
largely as a result of the general tightening of control and the
authoritarian imposition of Org practices, They both found that the
official Orgs were increasingly interfering with the operation of
tle franchises, insisting that they employ Ethics Officers, use
only prescribed techniques, and hand on their mailing lists of
students and pre-clears to the Org.2 A former senior Org executive
found that organizational practices led to a cri e de conscience
which undermined his faith in Scientology.

[Why did you leave?] Conscience...I just couldn't be a party to
what was happening in the Organisation...I no longer had the same
belief as when I started...I'd been embarrassed, Conscience .. I
Just eouldn be a party to what was happening in the Orgamsa-
tion...I no longer had the sL me belief as when r started...I'd
been embanTassed, humiliated, eonfused. It didn't serve any purpose
for me to be part of it any longer

. I looked baek over my history in it and saw that I'd done a lot
of good things ...but I'd been party to things I'd mueh rather not
have been party to.3

Harsh or indifferent treatment of people was the source of much
dissatisfaction. Two respondents had received a severe blow to
their faith in the movement when sick friends in hospital who had
long been committed to Scientology were, despite requests, never
visited or helped by Org personnel. Another became alienated, he
said, when he saw a young girl being told she was not fit for
Scientology because, only just having started work, she lacked
adequate funds for training and audihng.

Several of those whose reasons for leaving Scientology fell
predominantly into either or both of these first two categones
commented on what they had seen as an increasing disparity between
the ideology and the organizahonal structure of the movement,
between the belief in 'Total sreedom' and the increasing
authoritarianism of the orgarization.

3 . A third important category of reasons for disaffection were
what Gabriel Almond, et al. refer to as 'career-related
dissatisfactions'.' These might occur to a student as well as to a
staffmember. One of the women who was interyiewed hac' been
committed to becoming a professional practitioner, but had failed
he Interview. ' Inter iews. ' Interview.

Gabriel A. Almond, et al., 'rhe Appeeis of ommunism (Princeton
University Press Princeton, NewJersey, 1954), p 300. professional
course, and felt very strongly that she had 'lost facc' whcn
another woman who had formerly been her pre-clear [patient passed
with flying colours. Another interview respondent failed the course
twlce and lost much of his enthusiasm for the movement in
consequence. Yet another had believed himself capable of
professional practice but had been unable to afford the course
which ·vould qualify him, and u hich the Org insisted that he take.

Some staff members, particularly m the leadership echelons of the
movement, regarded themselves as virtually indispensable and able
to assert their own views in independence of, or even in opposition
to, Hubbard. They became disaffected when they were removed from
authority, and were reduced to the same status as ordinary staff,
and subjected to the same indignihes. Others felt that their
relationship with Hubbard, or their long-standing in the movement,
entitled them to superior status and income, which they did not
receive.

4. For some, dissatisfaction with Scientology was the result of
their own metaphysical development. They gradually found that their
own plulosophies were diverging from that of the movement. Others,
beginning to have doubts about the theory and techniques of
Scientology, came to hear of one of the schismatic developments and
pursued it, either dropping their association with the Org, or
being expelled in consequence. One questionnaire respondent replied
to the question 'Why did you leave?' as follows:

I left because I met someching far better, Truth itself I thought,
which helped my understanding of anything to increase ' A small
proportion of those mterviewed simply felt that the more they
learned of

understanding of anything to increaseP

A small proportion of those interviewed simply felt that the more
they learned of Scientology, the less it had to offer them, or the
more vacuous they found it to be. One woman found moral objections
to some of the OT courses. The aim of the OT 7 course, which she
described as attempting to implant a thought in another person's
mind, she regarded as a form of 'Black Magic'.

5. Dissatisfactions for some were based on more practical
considerations. A number of those interviewed claimed that the
failure of the results they had expected to materialize was one
cause of dissatisfaction. Some, for example, were thoroughly
committed to the notion of Clear and were not convinced that some
of those declared Clear in fact were so. One interview respondent
said:

You meet Clears and OTs who are meant to have tremendous abilities
and you find

them making little mistakes you don't expect them t^ make.t

Such considerations were sometimes a cause of growing doubt, which
might be compounded wben at times the techniques vere not found to
be successful when used on oneself or on those one was auditing.
Some found that their 'gains' from auditing were very short-lived,
or were disappointed when they found themselves to possess no
significant new abilities after Clearing or the OT levels.

6. A number of those interviewed found the expense of training and
auditing a barrier to increased commitmcnt, or a source of
alienation. They lacked the

l Interview. : Interview. resourceS to involve themselves deeply in
Scientology and either gave up, or looked around for less expensive
paths to salvation. A few had a stronger objection, regarding the
leadership of the movement as largely oriented to the pursuit of
profit - a conclusion which disillusioned them.

7. One important cause of defection that was reported in interviews
and questionnaires occurred among followers who had had relatively
little conviction of their own, but ·vho were attached to other
members whose conviction was stronger. A break with the close
associate often led them to drop Scientology as well, since usually
their involvement had been aimed at pleasing the more committed
partner.

8. Finally, of course, there are a range of residual reasons for
disaffection. One intervie-v respondent dropped Scientology finally
when it adopted the corporate structure of a church, since
membership in a church was incompatible with his faith as a Baha'i.
Others simply drifted away from the move.nent when they moved home
and lost contact with distant acquaintances and the Org. Generally,
most of those interviewed offered a range of such reasons in their
accounts of why they left the movement.

For those who were expelled, or who walked out over some particular
event, the break was sharp. More often defection from the movement
was . process which took some weeks or months, or in some cases
years, ot mounting dissatisfaction and disillusionment. They would
often find means of excusing practices they found objectionable,
for example, by blaming Hubbard's lieutenants for them and argtung
that he must be misinformed about what was going on at the Org's
operational level. Or they excused their lack of results, as
directed by Hubbard's writing, by blaming the lack of skill of
particular auditors, rather than the 'technology' itself.

They mmght stifle doubts and confusions by concluding that these
were a product of their reachve minds, or by followmg the
injunction that they should not 'invalidate' the levels and 'gains'
they had received: [Did beirg clear live up to what you had heard
?] Yes and no. I put aside the doubts because I didn't feel that it
was right to doubt it. Yet I was wondering whv I couldn't do the
things that I was supposed to be able to do.l

...one thinks, well, maybe all my doubts have been 'bank'...'

Others continued in the movement out of a belief that this was the
only answer available, or through attachment to others in the
movement, or because they were unwilling to admit that they had
been wrong, or because they had linger ing suspicions that they
might be wrong now.

[...what kept you at it? Well, the feeling that even though there
were hold-ups and wrong decisions made, that it was still aiming
towards a better thing than anything else that was ofiered. .lso
just the inertia or momentum of the whole thing. Once you-rc in a
group like l Interview. Interview. that, its extraordinarily
difficult to get out of it. How can you say to your friend you're a
liar, a fraud and a eharlatan? How can you say that, unless you arc
absolutely convinced? It's easier to keep in Scientology and have
doubts than to gout of it with doubts.

It'samorepositicthing.
Doubtsarenegativeandthey'realwaysseenasinferiorts any positive
drive. S^ you tend to swallow your doubts. And you say: 'Well,
maybt next week...' Sometimes you have incredible successes. I had
a top executive wh: came back from the Congo with a weird disease.
Did 170 hours auditing on him an he walked out a changed man.
a'here must be some good in Scientology if it can dthis much for
one individual, and it wasn't just one individual.

My wife, who is ahighly intelligent and sane person and not easily
eonned was 3 totally dedicated Scientologist, and still is. r still
feel, talking to her, maybe I hav made a terrible mistake.3

Cotcltiriotr Scientology appeals to people with very diverse
motivations for affiliation. These motivations can be broadly
classified in the categories: career-orientated. truth-seeking and
problem-solving. We have aimed to describe and analyse th career of
the typical recruit who becomes a core member of the movement. Such
a recruit typically becomes associated with Scientology as a
clierr, seeking som specific aid, knowledge or problem-soluhom He
becomes attached to th movement on cogmtive, experiential, or
affective grounds. He comes to view his biography in terms o' a
vocabulary and conceptual scheme provided by Scientology theory
and practice, and to see his own goals as only attainable through
the achievement of broader goals specmed by the movement
leadership. In the course of socializatior he comes to internalize
the movement's normative code. EIis association with the movement
leads to the comrmtment of resources and ego-involvement which make
withdrawal expensive and threatening to his own seluesteem. The
recruit is transformed from a client to a follower and from a
follower to a ct'eplo;a613 crgent.

A similar process would seem to be characteristic of most
more-or-less totalitarian movements which seek to maximize the
involvement and commitment of followers. Totalitarian movements
seek to secure the total commitment of recruits rather than
accepting partial or segmental commitment.

The processes outlined for typical recruits to Scientology are
similar in many respects to those described by Gabriel Almond, et
al., in their study of Communist defectors. The authors argue that
'at the point of entrance into the movement, the party is all
things to all men' . 3 A range of 'images' are presented to
different sections of the recruitment catchment area. These images
are described as the 'public or exoteric images of the Communist
movement', fashioned to have a broad appeal and 'to suit the
susceptibilities of particular audiences'.3 While Interview.
Almond, et al., op. cit., p. 5.

THE SCIENTOLOGICAL CAREER

 189

those who are to become party cadres are gradually inducted into
the esoteric, power-seeking, goals of the Communist movement, a
large proportion of recruits are not exposed to the esoteric
doctrine and practice. Similarly, among recruits to Scientology,
probably only a small proportion become employees or func-
tionaries of the Org, and only a small proportion of these will be
e:cposed to inner-movement decision-making, and strategy
formulation. The majority of Scientologists, as of Communists, are
only exposed to, and remain committed to, one or more of the
movement's propaganda representations. Most Scientologists remain
in full-time employment outside the movement, utilizing Scientology
facilities only occasionally and limiting their involvement to a
level compatible with their occupational and domestic
responsibilities. In this respect they resemble the rank-and-file
party member. As a result of their limited involvement and
exposure, they remain unaware of the movement's esoteric,
power-seeking orientation. 7. RELATIONS WITH STATE

AND SOCIETY

During the period between the emergence of Scientology and the
centralizatior of operations in Washington DC, the movement made
litt]e public impact. I grew very slowly after the losi of the
early mass following, although from 195C it began to grow at an
accelerated rate9 While the reasons for the growth a this time are
obscure, its consequences are more readily apparent.

After the disappearance of Dianetics, the movement only
occasionally came tc public attention, and this almost always only
locally, when in the USA, Scientol ogy practitioners were arrested
for 'teaching medicine without a license'.S Ir 1958, however, the
US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) seized and destroyed a
consignment of 2 r ooo tablets of a compound known as Dianazene
marketed by an agency associated with the Founding Church of
Scientology in Washington, the Distnbution Center, claiming that
they were falsely labelled as a preventative and treatment for
'radiation sickness'.9 The Church of Scientology maintain that
the product 'Dianezene [sic] was mis-labelled because the contents
did not measure up to the contents quoted on the label (a fault in
the mamlfacturer's process)'. The Church of Scientology also later
pointed out thal the only labelling whmch referred to
anti-radiation was on the manufacturer" bulk sbipment, not on the
bottles made up by Distnbution Center Inc. However. the relevant
federal legislation allows a wide interpretation of 'labelling'. In
a book published by the Scientology organization, part two of which
is accredited to L. Ron Hubbard, Hubbard gives a formula for
Dianazene which approxih..ll. h

n t An h hAttl

n h T;tri hllhon (nt

T lowevr-

I Figures cited during a later tar. case indicate that the income
of the Washington Church almost doubled between 1956 and rg57
('Brieffor the Urited States', Founding Church of Scientology v.
USA in th US Court of Claims, Washington, DC., r 967

5 A schismatic publieation, rhc Abcrrcc reports that in 955, two
Seientologists were arrested on such a chargc in Detroit, and
placed on probation. hc Abarcc, 2, (October rgss), p. r3. 5
Personal communication, Food and Drug Administration, z I January
1972 ' Personal communication, The Guardian's Offiee, November 974.

5 Al About Rdition, by a Nuclear Physicist and a Medical Doctor
(Publicatio Organisation [East Grinstead] 19$7, l967), pp. 121-4.

rr LATIONS WITH STATr AND SOCILTY

191

mates to that found in the FDA seized tablets. He asserts that
'Dianazene runs out radiation or what appears to be radiahon. It
also proofs a person up againstradiationinsomedegree.
Italsoturnsonandrunsoutincipientcancer.'l

The Dianazene seizure received little press publicity, but marks
the beginning of active interest in the movement by federal
agencies. The first serious adverse press reaction to the movement
in Britain occurred as a result of the activities of the
headmistress of an East Grinstead private preparatory school who
was carrying out Scientology exercises on her pupils for a brief
period each day.t Most of these exercises involved simple,
repetitive, and rather innocuous commands such as 'stand up', 'sit
down', etc., or communication exercises such as the teacher saying
'hello' and the children replying 'all right' for a few minutes.
The exercise that led to the press outhurst involved the pupils
following the directions: Close your eyes. Concentrate. Now imagine
you are dying. Imagine you are dead. I-ow you have turned to dust
and ashes. Now imagine you are putting the ashes back inside
yourself The press reports referred histrionically to those periods
as 'Death Lessons'.3

After conducting preliminary investigations into the E-meter during
1962, the FDA again raided the premises of the Founding Church of
Scientology in Washington early in 1963 to seize examples of the
E-meter, and associated literature. I On this occasion, unlike that
of r 958, the FDA clearly saw an opportunity to t.xhibit their
importance as agents of the public interest, meriting the
appropriations of public funds which they received. The raid was
accompanied by considerable publicity, the press, it was said,
having been forewarned.S

...recent hearings before the Subcommmttee on Administrative
Practice and Procedure exposed certain activities of the Food and
Drug Administration to be disgraceful and completely contrary to
the protective guarantees of our Constituoon. Perhaps the most
shochng of these exposures, involved the raiding of a premises
here in the nation's capital. Thii raid was reminiscent of a bygone
era when large numbers of Federal and local law emforcement
officials set upon centers of gangland activitv. True to form, this
recent raid was preceded by intelligenee from an FDA spy planted on
the premises. In authentic Hollywood style, FDA agents and marshals
descended on pnvate property while local police roped o8f the
street and held back the crowds. ress reporters and photographers
accompanied the agenes while they ran through the premises, banged
on doors, shouted and seized what they viewed as incriminating
evidence.S

Ibid., p. t24.

Dally Mail, 29 November 1960.

' Daiiy Mail, 28 November, tg60; Paulette Cooper, rhe Scandal of
Scientology, (Tower, New York, 1971), p. 102.

4 George Maiko, Stientology: the Now Religion (Dell, New York,
1970, p. 75.

S Evidence before the Senate Subcommittee on Administrative
Practice and Procedure, reprinted in Church of Scientology, rht
Findings on the US Food and Dtrg Agsncy (Department of Publicaeions
World Wide, Church of Scientolosy, East Grinstead, 1968), p. g2.

' Senator Edward Long, Congtcssional Record, 8 September 1965. This
descnption of The FDA seizures gave Hubbard cause to reamrrn the
attitude of his organization to the press:

The reporter who cones to you, all smiles ard withholds [sic,
'wanting a story', has an AMA inshgatrd release in his pocket. He
is there to trick you into supporting his preconceived storr. The
story he will write has already been outlined by a sub-editor from
old clippings and AMA releases.l

In the subsequent suit, the FDA charged that:

...the labelling for the E-meter contains statements which
represent, suggest and imply that the E-meter is adequate and
effective for diagnosis, prevention, treatment, detection and
elimination of the causes of all mental and nervouS disorders and
illnesses such as neuroses, psychGses...arthritis, cancer, stomach
ulcers, and radiation burns from aton ic bombs, poliomyelitis, the
common cold, etc. and that the article is adequate and effecive to
improve the intelligence quotient...which statements are false and
misleading...'

The seizure action led to the ftrst serious press attention to
Scientology in ten years in Arnerica. Much of it was hostile, and
supported the FDA action. The Scientologists, however, reacted with
considerable indignation, subsequently referring to the FDA with
an uncharacterishc sense of irony, as 'an agency behaving as a sort
of cult, with an almost fanatical urge - to save the world a

The FDA raid v as rcported throughout the English-speaking world,
and in the state of Victoria in Australia it added fuel to a dehate
which had been taking place in the mass media over Scientology. In
Victoria, Scientology had been under observation for some years by
the Mental Health Authority, and the Australian Medical
Association, which had sought to bring the activities of the
movement to the attention of members of the government. agency
behaving as a sort of cult, with an almost fanatical urge-to save
the world.'J

During the period 1960 to 1965, Scientology received a great deal
of unfavourable publicity in Victoria. The Melbourne newspaper,
rulh, attacked the movement in a serie of feature articles. In
November 1964 the Leader of the Opposibon, the Hon. J. W.
Galballiy, in a speech to the Legislative Council of the Parliament
of Victoria, referred to the FDA raid in Washington and alleged
that Scientology was being used for blackmail and extortion and bad
seriously affected the mental well-being of undergraduates at
Melbourne

L. Ron Hubbard, CO Polity Teer 14 Augwt 196g, cited in Kevin Victor
Anderson, Peort of thJ Board of Enqriry into Scientoloey
(Government Pnnter, Melbourne, Australia, 196$), pp. 200-201.

' Cited in MaLko, op. cit., p. 76.

a Church of Scientolo.ly, 7 he Findings..., op. cit., p. 3.

the evenu was congenial to the Scientologists, who reprinted it in
Chureh of Seientology, 7he Fmdng en the U.S. Food and Drue
Aeency, (Department of Publication World Wide ;ast Grinstead,
1968), p. 27. University.l On 26 November 1963, Mr Galbally
introduced a Scientology Restnction Bill seelting to provide that
fees should not be charged for Scientology services. Shortly
afterwards the Victoria government agreed to establisL a Board of
Inquiry into Scientology.

The Hubbard Association o Scientologists International (HASI) in
Australia initially co-operated with the Board of Inquiry but
withdrew its representatives in November 1964. The Report published
in 1965 presented an unmitigated condemnation of the movement. In
the Report, Anderson, its author, formu lated a number of phrases
which were subsequently to be quoted throughou the world:

Scientology is evil; its techmques evil; its practice a ;erious
threat to the community, medically, morally and socially; and its
adherents sadly deluded and ofte] mentally ill 2 The appeal of
Scientology is at times deliberately directed towards me wea, th am
ious, the disappointed, the inadequate and the lonely...' The
principles and practices of Scientology are eontrary to accepted
principles and practices of medicine and science, and constitute a
grave danger to the health, par ticularly the mental health of the
community.

Scientology is a grave threat to family and home life 6 been unable
to find any wormwhile redeeming feature in Scientology. rt
constitute a serious medical, moral and social threat to
individualrs and to the community generaIiy,;

He described Scientology processes as having a 'brainwashmng
effect'. One disinterested commentator observed of the Report that
it

betrays a considerable lack of the objectivity and detachment
necessary for proper scientific evaluahon of evidence. The language
i5 often highly emotive, and argument proceeds by the use of
debating device5 rather than by the scientific method.' The
immediate result of this Report was the passage, in December 1965,
of the Psychological Practices Act (1965) whmch banned the practice
of Scientology; banned the use of the E-meter except by a
registered psychologist; and empowered the Attorney General to
seize and destroy Scientologicai documents and recordings.

It was not until 196 5 that mention of Scientology began to appear
systematically in the Brihsh Press. The first reports indicated
in he 7imes Index concern I anstrd (State of Victoria), Vol. z73,
rg November 1963. 5 Anderson, op. cit., p. n 3 Ibid.

' Ibid., p. 2. ' Ibid. ' Ibid,

Terence McMullen, 'Statutory Deciaration', manuscnpt onginaily
deiivered to a Joint Meehng of the Sydney University Psychologicai
Society and the Libertarian Society in tg68 - copy made availabi'
to me by Dr rcMuiien, but repnnted in WhtteDer appentd to Adeleide?
A eport on tle Select Gmmlttee on Scientology (Prohlbition) Act, no
pubiisher ststed [The Church of Scientology (1973), p 50 the
Australian Inquiry and Hubbard's subsequent threats to sue the
Victoria Government. Shortly afterwards, a number of other Bntish
newspapers discovered Scientology to be newsworthy. All cited the
Victoria Report at length I In January, the ,ews of the World
reported a young Scientologist's disconnection from her mother 8 In
February, Lord Balniel, MP, then the Chairman of the National
Association for Mental Health, asked whether the Minister of Health
would initiate an inquirv into Scientology in Britain, referring in
his queshOn to findings of the Anderson Inquiry.3 The IvIinister
replied that he would not, but the question itself roused the
Scientology leadership to a vigorous reaction. In a series of
documents issued in February 1966, Hubbard outlined a policy to be
followed in the face of proposals to investigate Scientology. The
basic principle of this policy was that critics of Scientology
should themselves be investigated and their past crimes' exposed
with 'widt lurid publicity'.7 A Public Investigahon Section was
established to pursue this end. In March, 7:he People, under the
headline: 'One man Britain can do without', published the story of
a pnvate investigator recruited by the Scientology organization to
advise on setting up [his section.S Lord Balniel, it appears, was
to be the first person to be investigated.

Other newspapers developed these themes. The Daily Mail was one of
the movement's most severe critics, publishing a front page story,
in February, which challenged Hubbard's credentials,7 and, in
August, the story of Karen Henslov, a schizophrenic who had been
working at Saint Hill Manor (which had by then

a schizophrenic who had been worhng at Saint Hill Manor (which had
by then become the headquarters of the movement), and who was
returned to her mother's home one night in a deranged state.S Thjs
case became a cause celebre when Peter Hordern, MP for Horsham,
referred to it in the House of Common5 in the adjournment debate of
6 March 1967.5 Geoffrey Johnson Smith, MP also spoke, referring to
the

...many open-minded people in the town of East Grinstead, whose
judgement on matters of this kind one can trust, [who5 are
seriously disturbed by the activities and objectives of this
organisation...17

The Ivlinister of Health, Kenneth Robinson, in his reply referred
to a resolution sent to him by East Grinstead Urban District
Council in December 1966, expressing 'grave concern' about
Scientology and its effects on the town and its

Ncws of the World, lo October 1965; rhc Sun 6 October 1965; Daily
Mail, 22 Deeember 1965; rhc rimcs, 6 October 1965.

' N6ws of the Wald, 16 January 1963.

3 Hansard, House of Commons, Vol. 7z4, 7, February 1966.

9 Sir John G. Foster, Enauiry mto th5 Practic6 and Efcts of
Scintology (HMSO, London, 1971), pp. 140-5  Ibid., ppm40 9; L. Ron
Hubbard, HC0 Policy ettcr, z5 February tg66. ' 7 he Pcolc, 20 March
1966. ' Daily Mail, 14 February 1966.

Daily Mal, z3 August 1966. Hansad, House of Commons, Vol. 74z. 
Ibid. people. Liberal reference was made to the Anderson Report and
Mr Robinson concluded of the Scientologists:

What they do...is to direct Ihemselves deliberately towards the
weak, the unbalanced, the immature, the rootless and the mentally
or emotionally unstable, to promise them remoulded, mature
personalihes and to set about fulfilling the promises by means of
untrained sta6f, ignorantly practising quasi-psychological
techniques, including hypnosis. It is true that the Scientologists
claim not to accept as clients people known to be mentally sick,
but the evidence strongly suggests that they do.'

During 1967 reports continued to appear concerning
'disconnections', and the growth of the Sea Org t

Reactions to the Scientologists in the area of their headquarters
had not improved and the East Grinstead Urban District Council
refused planning permission for ectensions to their premises. The
ensuing inqmry by a vlinistry of Housing Inspector, in July 1960,
gave an opportunity for Scientology's neigbbours to voice their
feelings. The Scientologists were accused of accosting people in
the streets; of boycotting East Grinstead shops and services; of
visiting local schools in an attempt to give instruction in
Scientology to pupils; of bringing foot-and-mouth disease to the
district; and of allowing 'a mentally deranged member of your
estsblishment' to range at large over a neighbouring barrister's
estate.3 The view adopted by the Minister of Housing ·vas that
these accusations had little to do uith the subject of the inquiry.
He permitted the Scientologists' appeal against the UDC in a
decision finally rendered in 1969.4 InJuly 1968, Mr Robinson
announced in a statement to the House of Commons that during the
previoas two years the Govermment had 'become increasingly
concerned at the spread of Scientology in the United Kingdom'.

The Government are satisfied, having reviewed all the available
evidence, that Seientology is socially harmfuL It alienates members
of families from each other and attributes squalid and disgraceful
motives to all who oppose it; its authoritarian principles and
practices are a potential menace to the personality and well-being
of those so deluded as to beeome its followers; above all its
methods can be a serious danger to the health of those who submit
to them. There is evidence that children are now being
indoctrinated.'

The Government had therefore decided to take action to 'curb the
growth' of the movement in Bntain. Scientology organizabons would
no longer be recognized as educational establishments for the
purpose of admission of foreign

I Ibid.

S Jiews of he I Vorld, 19 November 1967.

S C. H. Rolph, 7elteue What You ke (Andre Deutsch, London, 1973).
pp. 66-7; 7he rmes, IgJuly 1968.

Dady elegra>h, m August 1969.

S Hansard, House of Commons, Vol. 769, z5 July 1968. nationals;
Scientologists would therefore no longer be eligible for admission
to the UK as students, and no extensions to entry or work permits
of foreign Scientologists would be allowed. Thereafter, up toJune
1971, some 145 aliens were refused admission to Britain to study or
work at Scientology establishments.l

In 1968, Acts were passed banning the practice of Scientology in
the states of South Australia and Western Australia.Z (The Act
banning Scientology in South Australia uas repealed on 21 vIarch
1974, that in Western Australia was repealed in Iay 1973.) A
petition was presented to the ew Zealand Parliament asking for an
Inquiry into, and Government action against, the movement there.Z
In South Africa, Scientology had been criticized in Parliament
during 1966, and in rg68 became the defendant in an achon for
defamation initiated by Dr E. L. Fisher, the MP most active in
Parliamentary criticism of the movement, who had been libelled in a
Scientology publication.' In the USA the FDA won a decision
ordering the destruction of the seized E-meters and in the same
year, 1967, the tax-exempt status of the Washington Church of
Scientology was revoked.

In the face of fierce criticism in the press and various national
parliaments, the Church of Scientology, in lovember 1968,
promulgated a Code of Refotm, including: Cancellation of
disconnectmn as a relief to those su6fering from familial
suppression . z. Cancellation of;rcllritv theckinr as a form of
confecion. n Cancellation of disconnection as a relief to those
suhfering from familial

suppression. 2. Cancellation of security checking as a form of
confesaion. 3. Prohibition of any confessional materials being
written down. 4. Cancellation of declaring people Fair Game.s

These reforms the Church of Scientology claimed were a response to
public criticism of the practices concerned. This action was too
late, however, to prevent the British government establishing an
Inquiry into Scientology in January 1969; and the South Afncan
government from doing so in April 1969.7 Already by mid-lg68,
however, the severe Bntish government action against Scientology
had begun to cause some doubts to appear about the justifiability
of these actions. Questions were raised as to why Scientology had
been singled out for such treatment when various other cults and
sects which seemed to Ibid., Vol. 820, 2gJune 1971.

' Seientolosy Aet, 1968 - Western Australia; ScientoloSy
(Prohibition) Act 1968 - South Australia.

; Sir Guy Richardson Powles and E. V. Dumbleton, Report of the
Commission of Inquiry into the Hubbard Scientology Organisation in
J'ew Zealand (Government Printer, Wellington, New Zealand, 1969),
p. 8.

G. R Kotze et al, Report of th6 Gmmission of Enquiry into
Srientology for rg7z (Government Pnnter, Pretoria, South Afriea
[1973]), p. I tg. S Ibid., P. 153.

oster, op. cin 7 Kotze, et al., op. eit., pp. 2-3.

RELATIO?IS WlTtt STATE AID SOCIETY

197 behave in a similar fashion were not.l MPs queshoned the logic
of banning people

coming to this country to study something which we now admit we
know so little

about that we have to set up an inquiry.3

The New Zealand Commission of Inquiry reported in June 1969 in mild
tones, recommending no changes in legislation and observing that if
Scientology kept to its Code of Reform there should be 'no further
occasion for Government or public alarm...'3 Such a finding must
have been heartening to the Scientologists who, in October 1970,
further modified their practices by dropping the vanous penalties
which attached to the assignment of an individual to a 'lower
condition' .4

In 1969, the Scientologists also scored a success in the United
States, when
theyappealedagainstthedecisionofafederaljuryinlg67infavouroftheFDA,
which directed that seized E-mcters and literature should be
destroyed. The US Court of Appeals reversed this decision in
February 1969, on the ground that the Founding Church of
Scientology had made out a prima facie case that it was a bona fide
religion and that the E-meter was related to its religious dogma,
and therefore not subject to the Court's condemnation.5 The FDA
retained the items seized pending a decision on appeal. In a final
action in which the FDA sought condemnation of the E-meter in 1971,
the Federal Judge ruled that the E-meter had been misbranded and
its secular use was condemned. However, he further ruled that it
might continue to be used in bona fide religious counselling if
labe led as ineffective in treating illness.6

The Report of the Bntrsh Inqurry conducted by Sir John Foster was
pubhshed in December 1971. This Report also contained passages of
undoubted comfort for the Scientology organization, Among these,
Sir John observed that he disagreed:

profoundly with the legislahon adopted in both Western and South
Austra]ia, in turn based on part of that adopted in Victoria, [sic]
wbereby the teaching and practice of Scientology as sueh i5 banned.
Such legislation appears to me to be discnminatory and contrary
to all the best traditions of the Anglo-Saxon legal system.7 He
advocated the establishment of a Psychotherapy Council to control
the practice of psychotherapy, whose ranks Scientologists should be
allowed to join provided they could satisfy the Council's
requirements. The Report argued that it was wrong for the Home
Secretary to exclude foreign Scientologists

l C. H. Rolph, 'Why pick on Scientology? JVew State$man (z3 August
1968), p. 220; Quintin Hogg, 'Political parley', Pneh (14 August
1968), pp. 230-l.

7 ansard, House of Commors, Vol. 776, 26January 1969.

owles and Dumbleton, op. cit., p. 58.

: Foster, op. eit., p. 128.

fi Malko, op. cit., pp 76-7; srhiatrie Jlews, arch 1969. Washington
Post, 31 July Igj]; DenterPost, 14 August 1971. Foster, op. cit.,
p. 181 (empkasis in the onginal). when there was no law against
Scientology being practised by their British colleagues.

The South African Commission of Enquiry reported in June 1972. It
recommended the passage of legislation to provide for the
registration and control of psychotherapists; to make illegal
'disconnection', 'public investigation', 'security checking' and
similar Scientology practices; and to control psychological
testing, and the dissemination of 'inaccurate, untruthful and
harmful information in regard to psychiatry and the field of mental
health in general'.l Assuming that these recommendations were
implemented, the Commission held that 'no positive purpose will
be served by banning the practice of Scientology as such'.2

In Australia, it would appear that an attitude of increased
tolerance for Scientology had begun to prevail. The electoral
victory of the Labour party resulted in the registlation of the
Church of the New Faith, a Scientology organization, as a
recognized denomination for the purposes of the Marriage Act, and
the authorizauon of its nominated personnel to undertake the lawful
solemnization of marriage. In May 1973 the Western Australia
Scientology Act v. as repealed.

Socia inuoluemen

While the movement developed no active programme of involvement
with the wider society during its Dianetics phase, the emergence of
Scientology produced a progressive transformation of this
situation. Increased involvement by such means as the establismment
of 'front organizations' and infiltration, can be seen as an
attempt to achieve two distinct goals on the part of the movement
leadership. First, increased involvement was seen as a propaganda
and promotional activity designed to spread the name and basic
beliefs of the movement to a wider potential clientele. Hence one
prominent goal was that of recruitment. Second, particularly as
sections of the public became increasingly hostile toward
Scientology, increased involvement by vanous means appears to have
been seen as a method of control (creating a 'safe space for
Scientology'). The similarity of these apparent goals to those
suggested by students of the Communist Party as rationales for
aspects of its social involvement, give grounds for some expecta-
tion that there might also be similarities in the means employed in
the pursuit of these goals.4

Shortly after the incorporation of the Church of American Science
and the Church of Scientology in New Jersey late in 1953, a
Freudian Foundation of America was established in Phoenix, Arizona.
While the Churches offered degrees as Doctor of Divinity, the
Freudian Foundation offered certification as

I Kotze, et al., op. cit., p. 252 No such legisiation has yet
materialized.

S Ibid., p. 232

S Gmmonuueath Gazetle, 15 February 1973, p. 20.

Philip Seiznick, he Ore:nisahona Veapon (Pree Press, Giencoe,
1960). 'Psychoanalyst', or 'FreudianAnalyst'.5 Hubbard proposed
that the Foundation be established, but it was run by a prominent
Scientologist, Burke Belknap. It appears to have been less
successful as a marketing device than the Church, however, and was
shortlv abandoned.t

With removal to Washington DC, a number of new organizations were
started. The Society of Consulting Ministers provided a useful
business-card title for harassed Scientolo Ministers. The American
Society for Disaster Relief uas also isted on the Founding Church
of Scientology letter paper, although it does not appear to have
been activated. Among Hubbard's projects in Washington was the
formation of a political party, the Constitutional Administration
Party, in which his wife held executive office. Its manifesto,
circulated to Scientologists, contained much high-minded rhetoric
appealing to the Constitution and the rights of the individual
against the unconstitutional behaviour of the Department of
Internal Revenue and the

...Supreme Court Justiee who does not recognize the rights o the
majority, but who stresses the rights of the minority and who uses
psycholot Y tetibooks written by Communists to enforce an unDopular
opinion...i

At the same time, Hubbard had plans for establishing a corporation,
the Citizens of Washington Inc., with much the same programme
e:cept that it emphasized an additional item, namely that members
should mount a campaign demanding that citizens of the federas
capital should have the same voting rights as other Americans.
Hubbard had a rather grandiose view of the role this organization
was to play:

The ground in the District of Columbia at this time is npe for
subversion and only the Citizens of Washington Inc is capable of
exercising a power of restraint upon the citizens. Should a
depression strike which is extremely likely in view of the Repub-
lican withdrawal of funds we may find ourselves in the role of not
only protecting [sic] the citizens of the city from the wrath and
carelessness of the Federal Government, but the Federal
Government from the wrath and forthright vengefulness of the
citizens of this area.g

Hubbard planned to establish a newspaper through the sale of bonds,
and later buy radio and television 'facilities'. As in the case of
the Constitutional Administration Party, no direct link with
Scientology was to be displayed, but their activities were to be
monitored by a further corporation, Scientology Consultants Inc. I
one of these plans seems to have gone far beyond the drawing board.

See the Ghost of Seientology, t6, April rgs4, p2Interview.

S 'The Campaign of the Constitutional Administration Party of
Amenea', eireular (1956), p. 2.

4 L Ron Hubbard, from r dictation tape provided by an informant,
dictated some time during 956.

Another project was that of establlshing United Survival Action
tlubs. This project was promotec on the basis of fear aboue the
possibility of nuclear attack:

...Survivai Clubs bill permit a large section of the American
public to survive a national disaster...The United States is the
only country in the world which is organised to be destmyed by an
atomic bombing [sic]...Yet, our leaders act as though they uere afe
and secure in the porsession of 'defences against atomic weapons'.
There ar no defences against atomic weapons except the defences
which will be erected by tl.t Survival Clubs.'

Scientologists were herefore encouraged to begin organizing such
clubs, although the purpose of promoting Scientology was
evidently more important than civil defence:

The real and actualreason we want these people organised in clubs
is not to protect them from atomic bombing, although this is r very
worlhwhile reason, but to raise their individual capabilides.t

During the late I gjos, the movement leadership also began more
vigorously to attack orthodox med!cal and psychiatric practice. One
agency for this assault was the National Aademy of American
Psychology founded at a Scientolog-

'It is time', Ron saidat the Congress, 'tha[ we cleaned up the
cnfire field of psychotherapy'. He explaised that we were impeded
by the bari aric conduct of psychotherapy in the UDited States.

One of the main rangers is government fear of psychological
subversion. In tht

One of the main dangers is government fear of psychological
subversion. In that vested psychotherapy in the United States is
Euro-Russian, and in that the government will sooner or later
diicover this, it is time ue took the initiative in reforming the
practice of psychology, psychiatryand psychoanalysu J

The 'National Academy' was established with an executive board of
Scientology personnel. It proposed to circulate a loyalty oath 'to
a]l psychologists, psychiatrists and psychoanalysts, as well as
ministers of various denorninations who engage in mental
practice'.4 The loyalty oath contained the following clauses to
which such individuals were expected to swear: (o) To refuse to
przctise 'Brainwashing' upon American citizens. (3) To activeiy
prevent the teaching of only foreign psychology in public schools

and universities. (g) To refuse to contribute money, dues or my
services to organisations wbich

knowingly impede American scientific research programmes or which
work to

discredit American psychologists to the public. (18) To accept as
fellow psychologists only the psychologists adhering to this code

and to speak no word of criticism in public of them.'

L. Ron Hubbard, Survival Clubs', Certaint, 5, 3 (1958), p. 7. t
Ibid., p. 6. ' 'National Academy of Ameriean Psychology', Certnint,
5, 5 (tg58), p. m 4 Ibid t Ibid., pp. 4-5 See this: a housewife,
already successfully employing Scientology in her own home, trained
to professional level, takes over a woman's club as secretary or
some key position. She straightens up the club afairs bvapplying
comm practice and making peace, and then, incidental ro the club's
main function, pushes Scientology into a zone of special interest
in the club children, straightening up marriages, whatever comes to
hand, and even taking fees for it.... Government could also be
infiltratedr on the same basis.

RELATIONS WITH STATE AND SOCIETY

201

Having circulated the loyalty oath, the NAP then proposed to
maintain a register on which all those who signed and returned the
oath would be declared 'safe', v hile

those who ignore it or refuse to sign it before witnesses are
listed as 'potential subversive'. Those who rail against it are
listed as 'subversive t

Signatories were to be 'offered an opportunity to have the National
Academy verify their credentials' for a charge.a Newspaper
advertisements were to be run asking the public to patronize only
practitioners with an NAAP Certificate, which Scientologists were
to be offered for $2s.00 (others having to pay $80 oo for
'verification of credentials' and certification).3

As well as establishing peripheral organizations, the movements'
leaders advocated the infiltration of organizations and political
agencies as a means of promoting Scientology and extending control
over its social environment. Generically, thls was known as the
'Zone Plan'. It could be operationalized in a zone of special
interest in the club - children, straightening up marriages,
whatever comes to hand, and even taking fees for it....4

Government could also be infiltrated5 on the same basis.

...a nation or a state runs on the ability of its department heads,
its governors, or any other leaders. It is easy to get posts in
such areas...Don't bother to get elected. Get a job on the
secretarial staff or the bodyguard, use any talent one has to get a
place close in, go to work on the environment and make it function
better. Occasionally one might lose, but in the large majority,
doing a good job and making the environment function will result in
promotion, better contacts, a widening zone.

Anderson reported that one Australian Scientologist who had
affiliations with the Australian Labour Party proposed to
infiltrate and win over the Labour Party leadership for
Scientology.7

1 Ibid., p. 7. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid., p. 8.

4 L. Ron Hubbard, 'Special Zone Plan', Comm Mag, 2, 6 (June I960),
cited in Anderson, op. cit., p. I54.

6 The Scientologists point out to me that 'advised' would be a more
neutral word than 'infiltrated. 'Advice' provided by such means
seems to me to be part of what is involved in infiltration.

6 L. Ron Hubbard, 'Special Zone Plan', op. cit.

7 Ibid-, pp. 154-5. An interview respondent indicated that he had
proposed a similar plan. Infiltration tactics have also been
employed for recruitment purposes by a new religious movement, The
Unified Family. See John Lofland, Doomsday Clt (PrenticeHall,
Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, I966) . I have myself seen this
tactic in operation by Unified Family Members at the meetings of
other cults. The tactic is also not 202

THE SECT: SCIENTOLOOY

Another technique employed from time to time was that of
establishing a committee or society, whose leading personnel would
always, covertly, be Scientologists, which would concern itself
with public morality, mental health, the state of the nation, or
some other public issue. An Australian example was the formation of
a Citizen's Purity League in Melbourne inaugurated by a
Scientologist who heard of the idea on one of Hubbard's tapes I Its
ececutive committee was composed of HASI members, but the links
with Scientology were not publicized A campaign was started to
secure public membership and support on morality issues.

The aim of this Citizens' PuDty League would be to reach a point of
prestige and inf uence in the community that wouid enable it to
carry out a plan of clearing, first the State Poliee Force, and
then those engaged in the governing of the State of

victoria.D

Such tactics are said to have been employed in more recent years.
Informants allege that the Scientology leadership indirectly
organized a 'Loyalty Petition to Parliament' in the late 19605
which adocated that psychiatrists, psychologists and
psychotherapists declare before a Justice of the Peace that they
were neither in the pay of foreign governments nor members of any
movement or party which aimed to subvert the Constitution and
Parliament of Great Britain. Several thousand sigmatures of members
of the public were secured, but it was found that the Petition was
not drawn up in a form proper for parliamentary presentation.D
presentation D Tnrrrv;

 nnrlent hnvr alco aileted that they were cncouraged to form

Interview respondents have also alleged that they were encouraged
to form committees with highminded titles for promotional purposes.
The aim of such committees was to treate a political lobby to
promote the publication o material in the press related to such
issues as the 'evils of psychiatry', 'brutality in mental
hospitals', communism', and other issues on which the Scientology
leadership had exprtssed a position. Whenever possible prominent
public figures unconnected with Scientology were approached to join
the roster o patrons for such cornroittees and associations. One
such body known as the Association for Health Development and Aid
among whose patrons, executive and consultant doctors were a number
of Scientologists, managed briefty to secure the support ofthe
Bishop of Southwarkdt

Other committees md associations clearly have a more specific and
ad hoc purpose. One explored by the JeroS of the World was
entitled the Citizens' Press Association. The group was established
after reports concerning Scientology appeared in the leus of the
World, and sought to secure the support of other

I Mary Sue Hubbard, HCO ovewskttDr r4 April r 961.

D Ibid.

D Interview.

Rolph, op. eit., pp. 5g-4; Letter to the author from the Bishop of
Southwark. uniamiliar from the history of the CommuniDt party.
Nathan LeiteD, Operntiontl Coer of)hDPoiit6zro(McGraw-Hill,NewYork,
1951).

RELATlOt 5 3VlTH STATE AND SOCIETY

203 'victims' of this paper for the introduction of legislation to
'cope with these papers and prevent any further wrongs being
committed'P No associahon with Scientology was indicated in the
letter from the Citizens' Press Association, although a spokesman
for Scientology later admitted to :ews of the World reporters,
'that this was one of our ideas...'3

As well as such covert organizations, Scientology openly sponsors
or assists a variety of organizations engsged in pressure-gToup or
welfare activities.3 A major pressure gTOUp openly supported by the
Church of Seientology and predominantly composed of
Scientologists is the Citizens' Commission for Human Rights. This
organization seeks to bring pressure to bear on administrators of
mental hospitals and members of government, by direct means and
through press reports, to improve conditions in mental hospitals,
protest against involuntary committal, physical and
psychopharmacological modes of treatment, psychosurgery, and what
are referred to gencrically as 'psychiatric atrocities'.

A prominent welfare organization sponsored by the Church is
Narconon, which operates a drug programme employing Scientology
techniques. It claims a very high rate of success, and omcial
support in America and Scandinavia. Letters from various addiction
facilities and prisons, in reply to my requests for information,
indicated that arconon was generally admitted to such facilities on
the same basis as other community-based, volunteer, self-help
groups. Replies were received from eight facilities in the USA
listed in a Scientology publication as 'supporting' the Narconon
programme. Four indicated that the programme was in operation and
received unqualified support, as did most other volunteer self-help
groups. Three indicated that the programme had met ith little
success and had died of attrition, while the final reply indicated
that the programme had been cancelled some time previously by the
prison director.4 (this may not, however, be a true redection of
the status of Narconon. The City of Los Angeles, for example,
recognized Narconon's contnbution in a 'Resolution' which highly
commended its efforts in twenty-five programmes, half of which were
in penal institutions, and which had 'achieved remarkable success,
in that 85 per cent of those in the program released on parole have
no further involvement in the criminal justice system...')5

I Letter from Citizens' Press Association cited in JVes of the
World, 24 August 1969. t Ibid.

3 Such front groups and organizations are not uncommon among more
recent sectanan moements. On the front groups of the Japanese
manipulationist sect Soka Gakkai, see James W. White, he Sokagakkai
end Mass Sociely (Stanford University Press, Stanford, California,
1970), p. I r3. On those of the Communist Party, see Philip
Selznick, rhe Orgeniselional Weeon (Free Press, New York, 1952),
pp. 27, m4. On those of the Nazi Party, see William Ebenstein, rht
azi Stale (Farrar

Rinehart, NewYork, 1943) p 59

4 Letters to the author.

5 'Resoluhon' adopted by the Council of the City of Los Angeles, I
March 1974, copy made available by the Church of Scientology.

A further welfare organization associated with the Church is
Applied Scholastics Inc, the aim of which is said to be to
provide an educational programme for slow learners or potential
educational dropouts. This programme also employs Scientology
techniques.l The Church of Scientology supplied, in a letter to the
author, the names of a number of US educational establishmentS in
which the programme was said to be operating. Not all of these
could be traced. Of five sucb institutions approached, four could
not trace any programme in association with Applied Scholastics -
although the programme may have been operating on an unofficial
basis. The fifth institution located 'an informal program'.S

Scientology's most vocal social involvement is in its campaign
against orthodoY psychiatry and the methods which it currently
employs. To promote this campaign, a 'newspaper', Freedom, was
establisbed in 1963. It concentrated on vilifying psychiatrists;
attacking the practices of mental bospitals; and impugning the
motives of supporters anG leaders of the mental health movement and
its organizations, such as the National Association for Mental
Health.a

The Scientology movement secured a great deal of publicity when its
members began demonstrating outside the offices of the National
Association for Mental Health with banners reading, 'Psychiatrists
maim and kill' and 'Buy your meat from a psychiatrist'4 during
early 1969, and when later that year it was discovered that between
200 to 300 Scientologists had secured membership in the NAMIH.6 The
enormous increase in applications to the NAMH does not in the
NAMH.s The enormous increase in applications to the NAMH does not
appear to have merited attention until, shortly before the
scheduled Annual General Meeting in November, nominations began
arriving for office in the NAMH which included known Scientologists
such as David Gaiman, an Assistant Guardian of the Church, who was
nominated for the office of Chairman of the NAMH. The Association
hastily insisted on the resignation of over goo recently admitted
members, rendering them ineligible for attendance at the Annual
General Meeting, and a lengthy period of lihgation ensued, in which
the Scientologists sought reinstatement. Their actions to this end
proved unsuccessful.5 Recourse to the law courts has been a
frequent occurrence for the Scientolo-

I See the Banc Study Manual, compiled from the works of L. Ron
Hubbard (Applied Scholastics Inc, Los Angeles, 1972).

Letters to the author.

S Such attacks led to the settlement of a libel action in favour of
Kenneth Robinson as a result of his suit over a Freedom article.

' C. H. Rolph, Beliere What rOu Like (Andre Deutsch, London, 1973),
pp. 52, 102.

6 Ibid., p. 102.

1 Ibid., pas,im. The Scientologists' version of these events i, the
subject of David R. Dalton, 7 wo Disparate Phiiosophies (Regency
Press, London, 197g). See also my review of this work 'Convert or
Subvert', rhe Spectator (29 December 197g). The Scientologists'
arguments are a so rehearsed in Omar V Garrison, 'I he llidder
Story of ScientoloSy (Arlington sooks, London, 1974). gists. Often
this recourse has been pursued in reaction to criticism of the
movement by individuals, newspapers or books. At one time at least
thirty-six libel writs were outstanding in Britain against
newspapers. Wnts have also been issued against East Grinstead
Councillors who expressed disapproval of the movement,a and
recently against a number of senior police officers alleging libel
in an Interpol report.a Probably the most significant libel action
in which the movement was involved was in respect of a television
broadcast in July 1968, in which Mr GeoffreyJohnson Smith MP
stated, in reply to a question, that the Scientologists

direct themselves towards the weak, the unbalanced, the immature,
the rootless and

the mentally or emotionally unstable.4 This action was decided
against the Scientologists.

Books critical of Scientology have often been the subject of
extensive litigation.5 At one stage in the litigation connccted
with Cyril Vosper's he Mind Benders,' a High Court Judge was
reported as saying of applications by the Church of Scientology
that its author and a newspaper editor be committed to prison for
contempt of court, that these actions were de iberately taken 'to
try to stifie any criticism or inquiry into their [the Church of
Scientology's] affairs' ,7

Models Df deDiance

Scientology is a deviant religious movement. Its deviance lay
initially in its rejection of the 'facilities...culturally provided
for man's salvation ..'1 In this respect it is not unique.
Scientology shares characteristics with other forms of sectananism
Christian Science, Jehovah's Witnesses, Soka Gakkai, etc., but
among the many contemporary deviant forms of religion, Scientology
appeared for a while to become something of a bete noir, an object
of special attention in the mass media, the courts and national
legislatures. Scientology was publicly portrayed as 'an evil
cult',9 and a 'senous threat to the community'.lt Laws were passed
prohibiting its pracrice in three states of Australia, and aliens
were prohibited from entering Great Bntain to pursue its study. The
pejorative and stigmatizing terms which were often employed to
describe it, and the relative severity with which Scientology was
treated on occasion, suggest that this

Rolph, op. cit., p. 63. ' Ibid., p. 6r. J FvningStandard 1l
December 1973; rhe Times, ISDecember 1973. 4 Rolph, op. cit., P. 75

61 discuss five such works in my article Religious sects and the
fear of publicity', New Society (7June 1973), pp. 545-7. ' Cyril
Vosper, rhr Mind Benders (Nexille Spearman, London, 1971).

Daily relegrah, 4 March 1972. ' Bryan R. Wil90n, Magic and the
3ill6nnium (Heinemann, London, 973), p. 21. 9 rhe Peole, 19 March
1967

' Anderson, op. cit., pm. o6

THE SECT: SCIENTOLOGY

movement might fruitfu Iy be examined from the theoretical
perspective of the .ociology of deviance.

The nature of the debate surrounding Scientology, and some of the
rhetoric that appeared during itt course, suggest that at tumes
Scientology was viewed in a manner approaching morel penic. Stanley
Cohen has defined moral panic as

a condition, episode, penon or group of persons which] emerges to
become defined as a threat to soci-tal values and interests; its
nature is presented in a stylized and stereotypical fashirn by the
mass media .. I

Drawing on ieil Smelser's definition of panic, we may add that it
can be understood as involving a collective sense of an immediate,
powerful, but ambiguous threat to deeply heid norms or values,
for the preservation of which it is seen as urgent to take some
action.2

This section is specificallv concerned with the question of the
relahonship between the developnnnt of Scientology and the reaction
to it from state agencies and society at large, particularly in the
way this was portraved in the mass media. The relationship between
deviance and societal reaction has been an important focus of
endeavour in the sociology of deviance, and three simpiified models
of the nature of this relationship may be extracted from the
literature.

The first model whiche mav call the cles ic modtl relates deviance
and societal rcaction as a simple n.atter of undirectional
causation:

The first model w hich we may call the classic model relates
deviance and societal reaction as a simple matter of undirectional
causation:

Dev.ance

Societal reaction

Deviance, on this view, is essentially unproblematic. It lies in
the infringement of social norms which are consensually held.
Deviance develops as a result of processes internal to the deviant,
and in due course provokes reactions of disapproval from
conforrning groups and individuals, and the mobilization of agents
of social control.

This view informed most early speculation and theorizing concerning
criminality. Due to diflerences in physiology, psychology, or early
life-experience, criminals were held tc have some differentiating
characteristics) which led them to violahons of the law. The
reaction of agents of social control was seen as a relatively
straightforward process of identifying and dealing with norm
violators. Hence the accounting procedures and official statistics
generated by social control agents could be employed by social
scientists with some conviction that they reflected, more or less
directly, occurrences of deviance in the 'real world'. This view of
the nature of the relationship between deviance and societal
reaction has tended to be the 'official' view. It generalizes the
account of this

' Stanley Cohen, ilk Devils and .roral Panics (MacGibbon & Kee,
London, 1972), P 9

2 Ncil Smelser, Theoy of Colleetive Behauiour (Routledge & Kegan
Paul, London,

62) .

rELATlONS WITH STATE AND SOCIETY

207

relationship typically held by agents of social control, moral
entrepreneurs and the mass media. The assumptions upon which this
model rests, however, have come under considerable criticism during
the last fifteen years from proponents of the second model.

We can refer to the second model as the Itthelling model.l Deviance
on this view is seen as essentially problematic. Social norms and
values are regarded as having at best sub-cultural rather than
general cultural acceptance, and infringements of norms are seen as
regular and widespread. Deviance is therefore a characterishc
attributed to another, or a label assigned to him, which he is led
to accept by public degradation and stigmatization, and coercive
control. In Becker's oft-quoted words:

...sociol groups creafe deriance by mking the rules whose
infrcction coluti(utes eoicnce and by applying those rules to
particular persons and labelling them as outsiders... The deviant
is one to whom the label has successfully been applied; deviant be-
haviour is behaviour that people so label.

reaction as a similarly simple matter of unidirectional causation,
but in the reverse direction to the classic model:

Such an extreme formulation is not altogether a 'straw man',
Lemert, for example, states that:

...older soeiology tended to rest heavily upon the idea that
deviance leads to soeial eontrol. I have come to believe that the
reverse idea, i.e. soeial control leads to devianee, is equaf y
tenable and the potentially rieher premise for studying deviance in
modern society.' This model is evident in David Cooper's notion of
schizophrenia, which he defines as:

...a micro-social crisis situation in which acts and experience of
a certain person are invalidated by orhers for certain intelligible
eultural and micro-cultural (usually familial) reasons, to the
point where he is elected and identified as being 'mentally ill' in
a certain way, and is then eonfirmed (by a specifiable but bighly
arbitrary labelling process) in the identity 'scbizopbrenic
patient' by medieal or quasimedieal agents.'

I Since what I am seeking to do here is to erect three models for
heuristie purposes, rather than to characterize accurately the v ay
this perspeetive has generally been employed, I shall draw it in
extreme terms, ignoring partieularly those soeiologuts who combine,
or draw no distinction between, this model and the following one,
and I shall create a distinction where they would not.

r Howard S. Beeker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociolog of Deriance
(Free Press, New York, 196g), p. 9.

S Edwin M. Lemert, Somel Pathology (McGraw-Hill, iew York, 1951).

DavidCooper,PsychiotrytndAnli-Psychietry(Paladin,London, Ig70),p.
16 In order to define or dramatize the normahve boundanes of
society, moral entrepreneurs and soQal control agents select among
a range of available norm-violators those suitable for labelling.
On some accounts, the labelling model provides a conspiracy theory
of deviance-generation. A 'victim' is selected who is 'scapegoated'
by others and forced into a deviant role, more or less coercively,
from which he may not be permitted to escape. Appeal is frequently
made to this model by those identified as deviant, as an account of
their own situation.l

The third model can be referred to as the deviance-ampliicatiol
motel. This model, elaborated initially by Leslie Wilkins to
account for gang delinquency,Z has since been employed to explain
among other things, the development of 'Mods and Rockers' as a
social problem,3 and the nature of the societal reaction to
drug-taking.: In its simplest form the deviance-amplification model
suggests the possible sequence: . Initial deviation from valued
norms

leads to z Punitive reaetion

which leads to 3. Further alienation of the deviants

which leads to 4. Further deviation

wbach leads to 5. Increased punitive reaction

wbich leads to (3)...etc., in an amplifying spiral.

Cohen discusses this process as it affected the idenhfication of
the Mods and Rockers as a social problem and the subsequent
attempts to control them.

Minor acts of rowdy and irritating behaviour at a seaside resort
during Easter Weekend 1964 were exaggerated and distorted
enormously by the press, whicb presented the incidents as epi90des
of uncontrolled vandalism and violence. The media reports were
instrumental in the creation of a stereotype accepted and
reinforced by social control agents on subsequent occasions. Future
bankholiday weekends were viewed with fearful anticipation by
residents, businessmen, and police in seaside comtnunities,
leading to a propensity to over-react to the behaviour of the young
people. The latter in turn were attracted to the resorts in
increased numbers by the possibility of a repetition of the
previous incidents,

I Gresham Sykes and David Matza, 'Techniques of neutralisation',
Amet ican ournal of Sociology 22 (December 1957), pp. 664-70;
Miriam Siegler, Humphry Osmond and Harriet Mann, 'Laing's models of
madness', British g70urnal of Psychiatry mS (1969), p p. 947-58

' Leslie T. Wilkins, Social DDianee (Tavistock, London, 1964) pp.
87-94, reprinted in W. G. Carsan and Paul Wiles, eds, Crime and
Delinauency in Britain (Martin Robertson & Co., London, 971), pp.
219-26.

Cohen, op. cit.

Jock Young, rhe Drugtaes (Paladin, London, 1971). and identified
themselves with one of the two stereotypical factions portrayed by
the media

The inevitable friction between police and Mods and Rockers was
further dramatized in the mass media, and by the courts, and
sanctioned by heavy fines and some ctses of imprisonment,
De-amplification, Cohen suggests, finally set in as a result of the
severity of social control. Potential deviants were

frightened off or deterred by actual or threatened eontrol
measures. After being put off the train by the police before
arnving at one's destination, and then being continually pushed
around and harassed by the police on the streets and beaches,
searched in the clubs, refused service in cafes, one might just
give up in disgust. The game was simply not worth it...the
amplification stops because the social distance from the deviants
is made so Sreat, that new recruits are put offfrom joining I

The models of the relationship between deviance and social control
outlined above are suggested as competing hypotheses to account for
developments in the relationship between Scientology and society.
While empirically rather than normahvely directed, they have clear
implications for the attribuhon of responsibility for the process,
and those involved therefore tend to have an interest in promoting
one theory rather than another. The Scientologists themselves are
clear that model two best char tcterizes their brief history: To
understand why the (:hurch of Scientology ever needed stiffinternal
discipline in the past to defend a perimeter against over helming
odds - it is necessary to look in the past to defend a perimeter
against overwhelming odds - it is necessary to look at the
situation which existed at those hmes, uvhich forcad the Churth to
develop polieies to handle outside threats. Which came first, the
strict internal ethies policies, or the threat which they were
designed to cater for?'

The implication here, and elsewhere, is that Scientology has been
the victim of a concerted campaign ultimately sponsored by the
World Federation for Mental Health for its 'forthright' stand
against 'psychiatric atrocities':

An analysiz of 2 r years of attacks shows a very plain pattern.
First, several extremely vieiouS newspaper and magazine articles
are published. Investigation by Church officials has shown these
often to be commissioned articles. Reprints or copies are then made
of these articles and are sent to every government or private
ageney which might he in a position officially or unoffieially to
censure or take action against the Church After a period of time in
which several articles have been sent, these agencieS then receive
a letter basically expressing the following; 'See how public
opinion is against this group. Don't you think something should be
done?' (

The moral entrepreneurs and social control agents who have opposed
Scientology may be assumed to regard the situation in something
like the terms

Cohen, op. cit., p. 20Z.

' Anonymous, 'Attacks on Seientology and "attack" policies - a
wider perspective, photocopy of manuscript, n.d., made available to
me by the Church of Scientology. (My emphasis.)

'Anonymous, 'Seientology: rhe JVouo BJligion: false report
correction, mimeo, n.d., made available by the Church of
Scientology. proposed in the first of the foregoing models,
although I have found no explicit statement which propcunds this
view of events, and reconstruct their position from the course of
omcial action. In contrast to both these views I shall argue that
model three most adequately characterizes the process that
developed.

Howard Becker and others have stressed that social problems are in
part at least a consequence of monz erkrpnke. Some individual, or
group of individuals, must generate public concern and mobilize
public opinion or the opinion of legislators and law enforcers that
'something needs to be done', about the object of concern.l This
moral enterprise may be exhibited by any number of individuals and
agencies, vanously motivated. Gusfield has described how the
Woman's Christian Temperance Union originally formed part of the
general progressive, humanitarian movement for social reform in the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Its adherents were
members of socially dominant groups whose secure rocial position
permitted them to feel sympathy for the plight of immigrant
workers, and led them to organize to seek the conversion of
individual drinkers.

After the repeal of prohibition, the WCTU found itself in a changed
situation. Abstinence was no longer a norm of the dominant middle
class. As drinking became increasingly acceptable, the total
abstainer became a figure of ndicule, and the WCTU lost its
upper-middle-class members. The movement increasingly adopted an
attitude of moral indignation and a policy of coercive reform
toward drinking as lower-mmddle and lower-class members found their
values repudiated by the upper and middle classes.

Donald Dickson offers a persuasive account of the role of the
Bureau of Narcotics in the passage of Federal legislation against
marihuana,S suggesting that the primary motivation was to improve
the position of the narcotics Bureau as a bureaucratic agency in a
period of declining appropriations. Generating anxiety about
marihuana use was a means of impressing upon the public and
Congress that the Bureau was an important agency which should be
maintained, even expanded.

The generation of moral panic may therefore be motivated in some
cases by status anxiety or bureaucratic insecurity, or 'empire
building' . It may, of course, also arise from sincereiy felt
confiicts of values. Whatever its sources, the mass media are
usually central to its propagation. As various studies have
suggested, the operation of the mass media is to some extent
constrained by commercial objectives. Fulfilment of these
objectives may lead to exaggeration and distortion in the
presentation of news concerning 'social problems'. Howard Becker,
op. cit., Chapter 8.

'Joseph Gusfield, Symbalic Crusa e (University of Illinois Press,
Urbana, Illinois, z963); and 'Social structure and moral reform: a
study of the Woman's Christian TemperanceUnion',Americtzn
ournalofStciolo,61 (lgsg),pp.22l-32.

Donald T. Dickson, 'Bureaucracy and moralityan organisational
perspective o a moral crusade', Social Proolems, z6 ( z 968), pp
143-56. The mass media operate with certain definitions of what is
newsworthy. It is not that instruction manuals exlst telling
newsmen that certain subjects (drugs, sex, violenee) will appeal to
the public or that certain groups (youth, immigrants) should be
continually exposed to scrutiny. Rather there are built-in
factors ranging rom the individual news-man's intuitive hunch about
what constitutes a 'good story' through precepts such as 'give the
public what it wants' to structured ideological biases, which
predispose the media to make a certain event into news.l

The media typically build upon labels imputed to individuals and
groups, elaborating a stereotype which will render the phenomenon
intelligible and predictable to the readership in terms of general
cultural images

i he moral cTtsaders

Those who have filled the ranks of the anti-Scientology crusade
have fallen into a number of discrete categories, with distinct
motivations for involvement:

n State agencies - such as the FDA in America and the Mental Health

Authority in Victoria 2. Doctors and psychiatrists (and to a lesser
extent ministers of religion) and

their professional bodies 3 Disgruntled ex-Scientologists 4.
Relatives of Scientologists 5. eighbours of Scientology 6. Members
of Parliament 7. The Press.

While one would not wish to impugn the motives of any of those
involved in demanding action against Scientology, it is clear that
however righteous their moral indignation, such a crusade had
useful and desirable consequences for each group. Characterizations
of Scientology as a 'fraud', 'brainwashing', 'hypnosis', or
'quackery', served to legitimate attitudes adopted by the crusad-
ing groups and individuals, and their demands for social control of
the movement. The interests of several of these groups directly
conflicted with those of Scientology. Doctors and psychiatrists
have persistently attacked Dianetics and Scientology, tending to
resent the therapeutic claims made by their adherents particularly
in respect of fields, such as severe psychological disorder, in
which they had themselves experienced little concrete success. They
also scorned the brief and unorthodox training of its practitioners
in comparison with their own lengthy and arduous process of
qualification. State agencies appear sometimes to have seen in
Scientology an opportunity to impress legislators and the public
with their zeal for the public protection, and the good use to
which they put public funds. Former Scientologists and relatives of
members may somctimes have seen in Cohen, op. cit., p. 45. 212

THZ sr CT: SCIZITOLOCY

stigmatization and grvernment action against the movement a means
of selfjustification. If Scientology was a form of hypnosis or
brainwashing, then this could jushfy and explain their involvement
in, and devotion of considerable resources to, a movement which
they now repudiated. Similarly relatives could explain the
involvement of spouses or children in the movement as a result of
fraud or brainwashing, and thereby excuse what might otherwise have
been conceived as a failure on their own part. Some of Scientologys
neighbours in East Grinstead appear to have found the presence of
the movement in a respectable middle-class townshmp a source of
irTitation and embarTassment.

The Press and Members of Parliament have an institutionalized
interest in talring up a moral crusade of concern to customers or
constituents. The two MPs most active in the British cnticism of
the movement were the MP for East Grinstead, the constiruency
containing the movements headquarters, and the MP for a
neighbouring constituency, Horsham. The Press found sensational
copy in Scientology and the allegations made about it, and as Young
has pointed out:

The mass media in Western countriQ are placed in a Compehhve
situation where they must attempt constantly to maintain and extend
their circulation. A major component of what is news-vorthy is that
which arouseS public indignation. Thus the media have an
irthtutionalised need to expose social problems, to act as if they
were the personified moral censors of their readership Reelity
conqict

were the personified moral censors of their readership9

Reality confiicl

Scientology confronts the conventional world with a deviant reality
of massive proportions. Unlike a belief-system such as spuitualism,
it does not merely add another level to existing reality with only
marginal implications for conventional life.8 Rather, it offers a
total Weenscheuung, a complex meaning system which interprets,
explains and directs everyday life by alternative means to conven-
tional, common-sense knowledge. Particularly in the area of the
psychological life of man, it offers a radically competing theory
to those prevailing in orthodox scientific circles and among those
which look to them for the authority for their beliefs. The
somewhat precarious status of the sciences of the person, and the
therapeutic arts dependent upon them, have led their practitioners
to be particularly sensihve to belief systems and practices which
challenge their authority. The proponents of orthodox psychological
healing prachces have managed to secure no more than a tenuous
claim to public legitimation as possessors of some umque
professional expertise.a Like many radical belief

I Jock Young, he Druetahers, (Paladin, 1971), p. 103.

5 On 8piritualism, see Geofirey . Nelson, Siriualism and Socicty
(Routledge & I:egan Paul, London, 1969).

3 Harold L Wilensky, The professionalizafion of everyone?',
Arnaican 7autnal of Socioloey 70 ( 1964), pp. 137-58, reprinted in
Oscar Grusky and George A. Miller, eds, he Sotioloy of
Oreanisations (Free Press, New York, 1970), p 489. systems, and in
this respect no more than early Christianity, Scientology also
presented a competing claim to the loyalty typically owed to the
family. Unlike early Christianitv, however, Scientology emerged in
an era when the family had become a sbmewhat fragile institution,1
and its claim to a higher loyalty under some circumstances wa5 thus
peculiarly threatening.

A further important feature of Scientology's challenge to
prevailing reality lay in its ambiguous status. Vestern conceptions
of religion, grounded in the Christian experience, idenhfy
religious institutions and practices in terms drawn from that
tradihon and its vicissitudes. Religious institutions are
dishnguishable from secular institutions. The boundaries between
church, business, science, and to a lesser extent psychotherapy,
are relatively clearly drawn. Scientology infringed these
boundaries and refusing to recogmze any necessity of occupying one
category rather than another, behaved in ways characteristic of
them all. It was thus a source of cognitive anomaly and
psychological anxiety.a Since it behaved as a business as well as a
religion (and that of a singularly alien form), many argued that
its religious claim must be purely 'a front', and Scientology 'a
confidence trick'.

Scientology's challenge to conventional reality remained
unimportant while the movement itself ·vas insignifcant. However,
there are indications that during the late l 950s and early 1 g60s
Scientology began to grow rapidly. Figures cited during the
American tax case indicate that the income of the Washington Church
almost doubled between 1956 and 1957. The Victoria Report shows a
steady growth at least from 1958 through 1962:

Incorne of Scientology Orgnnizations in Meoournes

Year ended 30June ;

8

12 150

959

3 5

60

47 75

61

57 640

62

71 977

63

54 071

relations to personality and the social

structure', in T. Parsons and R. F. Bales, arnly 5acialisation and
Intsracbon Ptotess (Free Press, Glencoe, 1956), pp. 3-21. t Mary
Douglas, Purity and Daner (Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1966). a
This anxiety seems evident, for example, from the almost audible
sigh of relief uttered by the American Psychiatric Associahon when
Scientology was legally declared a religion in a Federal Court, and
thev could henceforth regard it as beyond their domain. Psychatric
JTews, 4, 3 (March 1969), p. 2. ' Founding Church of Scientology v.
L-SA in US Court of Claims, Washington, D.C.
lg67,'BrieffortheUnitedStates'. 6 Anderson, op. cit, p. 38. The
Foster Report indicates that in Bntain, the movement's income
roughly doubled every year between 1965 and 1968.l

Scientology was clearly having a considerable impact, recruiting
individuals away from conventional reality. Moreover, the
individuals recruited were not by any means marginal in
conventional terms. Many were prosperous. Businessmen and
professionals were converted as well as the less successful.

For some, particularly Anderson, Scientology's conflict with
conventional reality was a moral aflfront. The Victoria Report
reverberates with Anderson's indignation that anyone could believe
such a 'weird idea',9 such 'nonsense',a so much that v as ;entirely
contrary to conventional learning and experience', 'irrational and
perverted'.S He appears to have found it perverse and indeed
'incredible that a witness with such high academic qualifications,
could voice such nonsense...'9 and was forced to conclude that
Hubbard's followers were 'deluded',9 or in the grip of 'some
inescapable compulsion'.9 How otherwise could one account for the
fact that apparentLy rational men could come to hold such bizarre
and alien beliefs, than that they were 'hypnotized' or 'brain-
washed'? Scientology posed a threat not only to the precarious
domains ol psychological treatment and family life,9 but to the
fabric of conventional reality itself. Deriance-amplihcation and
Scientology

Since its early days Scientology has been an authoritarian movement
w ith only

Since its early days Scientology has been an authoritanan movement
with only one source of authoritative definition of reality, its
founder Ron Hubbard. The debacle of Dianetics in the early l950S
convinced Hubbard that two major dangers threatened the survival of
his organizahon - attacks from outside the Scientology community
inspired by medical and psychiatric interests, and threats from
within, in the form of heresy, 'individualism' and schism. Both
these perceived dangers need to be considered to understand the
movement's development. While the response of the movement's
leadership to the latter was sectarianization, its response to the
former appears to have been a complex combinahon of strategies
involving the generation of peripheral organizations, infiltration,
and undercover tactics designed to secure some control over the
external environment. One important means of secunng greater
control over

Foster, op. cit., p. 36. 9 Andenon, op. cit., p. 48. 9 Ibid., p. S9
t Ibid., p. 48. 5 Ibid., p. 12. 9 Ibid., p. 52. 7 Ibid., p. Sn
Ibid., p. 52.

9 One of the most penistent complaints against Scientoiogy during
this period was that it broke up families. he evidence in support
of these elaims, however, does nDt appear very strong. Scientology
does not appear to cause familial disruption to a greater extent
than other systems ot beliets to which one family member holds with
great conviction but the rest rqect. Indeed, it is my impression
that it causes lest familial disruption than some contemporary
communitarian groups, and perhaps les than the early Christian
church. the movements environment was through a more aggressive use
of ehe techniques of public relations. This could be directed to
the dual end of increased mobilization of recruits to the movement,
as well as increased control.

Unless you have control of the Public, driving the Public into the
Org becomes a difficult task. This is why PR control is so
irnportant. Once you have the control, it is easy to bring in the
public, in the thousands and millions ! It is also needed to
protect org expansion from attaeks by opposition groups. PR is a
social technique of control.

How do you do this? Well, you get all the people who oUNT in the
area - the VIPs, the community group, news media, under YOUP.
control. Then you USE these public control points to get the raw
public in. Simple !l

(The Scientologists point out to me in a private communication that
'the authenticitv of the quote is doubtful'.)

One response of the movement to a hostile environment appeas to
have been a process of eDiance-amplihcaton. In the late l950S and
early 19605, the gradual growth of the movement and its
quasi-therapeutic claims brought it to the attention of a variety
of state and professional agencies. In the pursuit of largely
bureaucratic ends, the Food and Drug Administration in America, the
Medical Health Authority in Victoria, the American ;ledical
Association, the British Medical Association, the American
Psychological Association, and similar agencies maintained a
certain surveillance over Scientology, and occasionally issued
public comment upon it. This led to defensive and offensive action
by the Scientology organization in response. Critics were attacked,
and internal security tightened. The FDA raid in 1963 inevitably
led to further alienation from, and hostility towards, the state,
press, and professional bodies, for what was felt by many
Scientologists to be, and what was charactenzed by its leadership
as, religious persecution.l

It was, however, the developments in Victoria which led to an
international moral panic. There, prexs, medical and psychiatric
agencies, professional bodies and disgruntled former Scientologists
joined forces to promote government action against Scientology.
The grounds for such action - alleged blackmail, extortion, and
adverse effects on the mental health of local university students,
were generally unsubstantiated by the Anderson Enquiry.

However, Anderson's Report presented, often in emotive terms, a
highly negative stereotype of the movement. It instituted a moral
passage in public designations of Scientology, leading to a
transformation of the prevailing stereotype. The former
conception of the movement as a relatively harmless, if 'cranky',
health and self-improvement cult, was transformed into one which
portrayed it as 'evil', 'dangerous', a form of 'hypnosis' (with all
the overtones

I Diana Hubbard, April 1971, cited in St Louis Post-Dispotch, 6
March 1974, original source not indicated.

This is the tenor of Church of Scientology, rhe iiindngs..., op.
eit., for example. of Svengali in the layman's mind), and
'brainwashing'. The symbolization of the movement rested largely on
the putative fcatures of its deviation, that is:

that portion of the societal definition of the deviant which has no
foundation in his objective behaviour. Frequently these fallacious
imputations are incorporated into myth and stereotype and mediate
much of the formal treatment of the deviant.'

Much play was made of Scientology practices which were liely to
cause harm;t the 'potentiality for the misuse of confidences';S and
activities that were 'poter tially very dangerous to the mental
health of the community'.: Exaggeration and distortion appear
throughout the Report, probab]y the most notorious example of wbich
occurs where Anderson asserts that he realized he had obselved a
woman being 'processed into insanity' when nine days after a
demonstration auditmg session in which she participated, she was
admitted to a mental hospital.5

The Anderson Report provoked not only a legal ban on Scientology in
Victoria, but a reaction in many other English-speaking countries.
In 1966 Scientology became the subject of a question in the House
of Commons, as well as of numerous unfavourable press reports, many
of which drew directly upon Anderson's rhetoric and stereotyping.
Hubbard was also requested to leave Rhodesia where it appears he
may have hoped to settle 6 In 1967 Scientolog came under the
scrutiny of the Ontario Committee on the Healing Arts.' The process
described by amplification theorists began accelerating: came under
the scrutiny of the Ontario Cornmittee on the Healing Arts.7 The
process descnbed by amplification theorists began acceleratmg:

...when society defines a group oi people as deviant it tends to
react against them so ai to isolate and alienate them from me
company of 'normal' people. In this situation of isolation and
alienation, the group...tends to develop its own norms and values
which society perceives as even more deviant than before.S

What Scientologists regarded as their 'persecution', evperienced at
a personal and not merely at an organizational level, resulted m
the rapld development of a severe sense of alienation from the
surrounding society, and the development among core members of new
norms conceived to be essential for the movement's survival,
although regarded by the conventional society as further evidence
of Scientology's deviance. This alienation is evident in passages
such as the following:

I Edwin M. Lernert, Soeia Pathology, McGraw-Hill, New York, 195l,
pp. 55-6. 2 Anderson, op. eit., p 4 t Ibid., p. 1. (My emphasis.

' Ibid., p. 108. (My emphasis.) ' Ibid., p. 135.

: This is suggested in Christopher Evans, Cults of Unteason
(Harrap, London, 1973), p. 85; Daily Mail, 14July 1966.

7John A. Lee, Sectanan Healers and Jypnotherapy: a Sttdyfor the
Committee on the }leaimg Arts (Queen's Printer, Toronto, Ontario, 1
97O.

Jock Young, 'The role of the poliee as amplifiers of deviance,
negotiatorS of reality and translatots of fantasy, [etc]', in
Stanley Coben, ed., Images of :)eriance (Penguin Books,
Harmondsworth, 1971).
Scientologyregardsordinarysocietyassomethingakinto,
ra]densejungleofintrigue, lies, confusion, illness, violence and
sudden death covered with a thin social veneer of mildness.l

Th;s sense of alienation and imminent threat led to more severe
policies of internal control, and led the leadership to draw
further away from contact with the Society, geographically as well
as symbolically, with the creation of the Sea Org. The trend
towards sectarianism was heightened, and sectarian practices such
as disconnedion led to further hostile commentary. In response to
this hostile and threatening environment, Scientologists began to
take what they construed as defensive action by more vigorous
attacks on critics through legal actions, and investigation for
past 'crimes'.t

Some of the individuals and organizations which have been critical
of Scientology, or have commented on it in a fashion which the
Scientologists disapprove, have found themselves the victims of
various, often unexplained misfortunes. The South African Report
describes the case of Dr E. L. Fisher, MP, who on several occasions
requested the appointment of an inquiry into Scientology in the
Soueh African parliament.3 Fisher in due course became the object
of attack in a Scientology broadsheet 'teeming with ba5eless
defamatorY innuendoes of and concerning Dr Fisher'.4 As a result of
a subsequent action for defamahon Dr Fisher received 'substanhal
damages', and an apology.5 The Commission of Enquiry also indicate
that in 1967, Dr Fisher became the object of a stratagem designed
to induce him to procure an illegal abortion. The Scientology
leadership argued that the responsibility for this subterfuge lay
with the proprietor of an irveshgation agency whose services they
had employed to uncover Fisher's 'past crimes'.

The Dutch hIental Health Centre (National Centrum Voor Geestelijke
Volksgezondheid) in Utrecht suffered a theft of its files relating
to Scientology. The two young men who committed the theft were
caught by aceident in a police check on driving licences. Because
of their frightened behaviour, the car

I Anonymous, 'Scientology ethics policies and handling of attacks
on Scientology', photocopy of manuscnpt, n.d., p. 16, made
available by the t 7turch of Scientology.

2 Roy Wallis 'Religious sects and the fear of publicity', Netu
Sotiey, 34, 557 (7 June 1973). Such behaviour might be charactenzed
as 'secondary deviation'. Lemert defines secondary deviahon as:
'deviant behaviour, or social roles based upon it, which becomes [a
means of defense, attack, or adaptation to the overt and covert
problems created by the societal reaction to primary deviation. In
effect, the original "causes" of the deviation recede and give way
to the central importance of the disapproving, degredational and
isolating reactions of society'. Edwin .. Lernert Human Deuianee,
Soeial Probems anSoriai Conto (Prentice-Hall, New Jersey, 1967), p.
17.

otze, et al. p. m 7. ' Ibid., p. 119 5 Ibid.

Kenneth Robinson, a former Minister of Health, who had cnticized
Scientology in Parliament, found himself the object of defamatory
attacks in the Scientology newspaper, reedtm. In November 1972 a
forged letter bcaring his name was published by .lanagement in
Aetion suggesting that the cause of strikes was 'a severe mental
illness' and advocating ?sychiatric screening of workers.3

The National Association for Mental Health and its leadership were
the object of what they took to be a concerted campaign of
harassment. Circulars alleging misuse of NAMH funds and scandalous
behaviour at iiAMH hostels, purportedly written by a staff member
·vho had resigned, were circulated to members of the Association.
Documents were a31eged to have continually disappeared from NAMH
files.4 Patrons of the NAMH and other prominent public figures
including members of the Royal family) received offensive forged
letters which appeared to have been written by officers of the
Arsociation.s

was searched, and the fiLes found. A letter which was later
received by tte NCgy from Scientology headquarters in Holland,
admitted that the two young men had been Scientologists, but
suggested that the thef[ was undertaken on their own initiative and
'vith the highest motivation'.

A psychiatrist, Dr Russell Barton, found a private investigation
agency to be conducting an investigation into his career, after he
had criticized Scientology in a radio broadcast in 1970. The head
of this agency was known to have had a close association with the
Church of Scientology in California. Dr Barton became the object of
a campaign which employed, out of contet, a state-

Forged letters and documents have proved a source of embarrassment
to others who have criticized or commented on Scientology. Paulette
Cooper, author of a work hostile to Scientology,s was the subject
of a thoroughly defamatory circular, allegedly written by 'a
concerned neighbor', which sought to mobilize the tenants of her
apartment block to secure her 'removal from our residence, and if
possible, have her put under appropriate psychiatric care'.
(Representations by the Church of Scientology make it incumbent
upon me to indicate that vliss Cooper's writings on Scientology
have been the subject of

I Letters deailing these circumstances from NCgy officials to the
author.

2 Letter and documents sent to the author by Dr Barton.

Managmnt in Altion November 1972). For Mr Robinson's repudiation of
this letter see Manaeemenl m Adion (December 1972).

4 Among such documents were letters of a pnvate nature between Dr
David Clark, Vice-Chairman of the NAMH, and its General Secretary
Miss Mary Applebv. Dr Clark's letters and the carbons of Miss
Appleby's replies are said to have disappeared from the Association
files. Sections from these lettens appear in a book hishly favour-
able tO Scientology, Omar V. Garrison, op. cit., pp. 210-13.

Interviews with of icers of the NAMH; see also 7he Obslruer, 29
July 1973.

S Cooper, op. eit.

RLLATIONS WITH STATE AND SOCIL Y

"Iy

much litigation. Sums in settlement and apologies from the
publishers concerned, have been received by the Church of
Scientology in respect of an article in Queen magazine, and the
book he Scand tl of Scientology.)

Olympia Press, the publishers of Robert Kaufman's, Inside
Scientology, were also attacked by means of forged documents. These
documents, circulated to newsagentS and booksellers, were written
on headed Olympia notepaper. They suggested that in the light of
litigation in which Olympia was involved, all stocks of the firm's
books should be returned for cash refunds. A further forged letter
purportedly emanating from Olympia's accountants, claimed that
Olympia was going into liquidation. The officers of Olympia have
also alleged that illegal entry was made tD their premises, that
galley proofs of Kaufman's book were stolen from the printers, and
that their files were tampered with.' (Representations bv the
Church of Scientology again lead me to note that launce Girodias,
the principal figure in Olympia Press, is a damboyant and
controversial individual, whose methods of book promotion are not
always entirely orthodox. Whether this has any bearing on Olympia's
misfortunes is a matter for conjecture.)

Following the distribution of an article by the present writer,
eommenting on Scientology,s a young man, later discovered to have
been a Scientology sta member, visited the author at the university
at which he was employed. He use a false name and sought to win the
author's confidence. He was later found to have made personal
inquiries of students and others concerning the author. Shortly
following this visit, forged letters bearing official letter
headings were received by various individuals, designed to be a
source of inconvenience and embarrasment to the author.3 The young
man who nsited the university later appeared in Scientology
publications as a graduate of a Saint Hill course.

Miss Cooper and Robert Kaufman both allege that they have been
systematically spied on.4 The author of another work on
Scientology, Cyril Vosper, alleges that a copy of his manuscript
disappeared from his lodgings and, while on holiday in Spain, he
was questioned by the police when they opened a parcel addressed to
the place in which he was staying, containing obscene caricatures
of General Franco. Kaufman, who is also a musician, found that his
boohng for a concert hall was cancelled mysteriously prior to a
performance.5 While he was appearing on a 'phone-in' radio
programme, a man telephoned, alleging that he had been a male nurse
in a psychiatric hospital in which Kaufman had been a patient. He
claimed to have seen Kaufman's psychiatric records and alleged

See partieularly ihe 06serra, 2gJuly 973.

Roy Wallis, 'The seetarianism of Sciemology', in tiichael Hill,
ed., A Socioiogicai YenrbookofeiiioninBritoin(SCMPress,London,
1973).

5 This and similar crses are discursed in Roy Wallis, 'Religious
sects and the fear of publicity', Ne 2 Society (7 June 1973), pp
545 7

' Inter-iews; 'Statement of Complaim', Paulette Cooper v. Church of
Scientology of New York, Inc.; ek., 21 June 1972.

6 Interviews. 220

THE SECT: SCIENTOLOGY

that Kaufman had been diagnosed as a 'paranoid schizophrenic with
castratio: fears and homosexual tendencies.'

A further case concerns a Canadian family, the Mcleans, who became
di affected wlth the movement. The mysterious and unpleasant events
from whic they suffered began to occur after the Mcleans publicized
some of the reasons fc. their dissatisfaction with Scientology in
the local news media.

Mr Mclean claims that he shortly afterwards suffered from telephone
calls to the school where he worked, of a kind which seemed
designed to cause embarTassment. The family also assert that
compromising Chrisrmas cards and telephone calls were received at
their home, and neighbours received telephone calls inquiring into
the Mcleans' credit-worthiness and suggesting domestic problems in
the family. The local Board of Education, Mr Mclean's employers,
are said to have received anonymous telephone calls implying that
he was misusing Board property and student labour for his own
profit. They believe that their hDuse was kept under surveillance
by men in cars using binoculars The Scientology Org's Assistant
Guardian was instrumental in secunng th prosecution of Mr Mclean
for allegedly harassing him by repeated telephone calls. (The case
was dismissed.) When Canadian Television (CTV) planned to make a
film on Scientology, including the Mcleans, the television company
was threatened ·vith an 'inevitable suit which must follow should
the show be aired'.3 In the ensuing action the Mcleans were named
among the co-defendants. Members of the Scientology organisation in
Toronto held a 'mock funeral' for 'lost souls' in the Ivrcleans'
home town, carrying a coffin and handing out leaflets chargmg 'that
the Mclean family had "betrayed all God-fearing Canadians" and was
"succumbing to the mystenes of evil".' When Mr Mclean became an
omcial of the Ontario high school teachers' federation,
Scientologists are said to have picketed a federation meeting at
which he was to speak on professional matters.

(The Scientologists assert that the Mclean's major source of
disaffection concerned the refund of fees or donations paid to the
organization. These were repaid to the family. The Scientologists
also argue that undertakings in respect of the terms on which these
payments were made, were broken by the Mcleans. Various legal
actions are still in process.)

The Royal College of Psychiatry and the World Federation for Mental
Health have also suflered from circumstances which appear similar
in some respects to those which involved the Dutch Mental Health
Centre.

During the Whitsun Bank Holiday in rg73 the offices of the Royal
College of

I Robert Kaufman, letter to the author 2 April 973.

J I am grateful to the Mclean family for making available to me
ample documentahon on whieh the following account is based.

J Letter from S-S-of the Church of Scientology to the President of
CTV, 22 April 1973.

Meleans .laeazae (June 1974), p. 27. Psychiatry were burgled.
While nothing of value was touched, a file concerr ing Scientology,
and associated correspondence, were removed Some time earlier, in
1969, the headquarters of the World Federation for Mental Health,
then situated at the Royal Fdinburgh Hospital, were also burgled.
Documents and headed note-paper were removed. Participants in a
world mental health conference, to be held shortly after this
event, were mailed a letter telling them that the venue for the
conference had been changed from Washington to Havana.l

The cases brienv described above display a striking pattern in the
nature of the events which transpired in these varied and dispersed
settings (spying; theft of documents; forgery; anonymous or
pseudonumous defamatory allegations), and in the character of the
victim. In every case, those who suffered from these untoward
circumstances, were individuals or organizations believed by Scien-
tologists to be actively hostile to the movement..

Reports during late 1974 and early 1975 suggested that the
Scientologists believed they could prove that they had become the
object of a campaign to discredit them, sponsored by the Nixon
administration, the FBI and the CIA.a

Dc-ampiiication

By 1968 e:ternal threat had reached such proportions as to render
multinational ban an irnminent possibility. It appears that the
combinahon of vocal public criticism and severe internal control
measures increasingly employed by the movement may have caused a
loss of committed membership. The only figures available are those
for successful completion of the 'clearing course'. This was not
developed in its current form until 1966, at which point it was the
most advanced course available. This course was in effect demoted
later, when even more advanced courses were introduced. (This
should, if anything, have increased the number of students taking
the course.)

rArm llntil lO

t which ooint it was the

Period March-December rg66 January-December rg67 January-December
1968 January-December 1969 January-December 1970 January-December
1971 January-December 1972 January-December 1973 iVumber declared
'clea3

131

475 901 774 441 385 359 383

With the announcement of clearing in 1966, recruitment to the
clearing course expanded rapidly. The publicity that Scientology
received during the early and I rhe Obsener, 29July 1973.

8 rh Guardian, 7 January 1973; Washington Star-News, 21 December
1974; Eucning Standard, 6January 97.

S These figures were calculated from lists of clears published in
rhe uditor. middle 19605 drew new adherents to the movement,
particularly among latt adolescents and young adults, attracted by
the anti-establishment image whick it was gaining. Recruitment to,
and completion of, the cleanng course increased through 1968, but
then declined, although this decline may have ceased sincf 1 97 1,
and a rise may have occurred sunce then. C]earing is a relatively
advance stage of achievement in the movement's structure and
indicates a level of con siderable commitment. It is not possible
to say how lower-level training an auditing have been afi'ected.
Indeed the only figures published by the movemen suggest that in
the United Kingdom, membership in Scientology has continue to
increase rapidly.l Since it is quite unclear how these membership
figures an calculated, it is difficult to be certain of their
validity. Six-months free 'member ship' is given to any inquirer
who wishes jt 2 Thus membership itself does no imply any high
degree of commitment. But at the advanced levels, the rate o growth
apparently declined for several years after 1968.

These figures suggest the first stages in a process of
'de-amplification' Publicity had become so unfavourable by 1968,
and the internal regime sl repressive ('puritanicl' is the term
preferred by the Scientologists themselve to describe this period),
that new members were either not being recruited at th same rate as
during the early and middle 19605 or were becoming alienated fror
the organization earlier - or both. The gap between society and
extensiv Scientological commitment may have become too wide for
many to cross. 'field staff auditor' and former 'franchise
operator' (that is, a selm-autonomous practitioner of Scientology)
confirmed that a considerable drop in recruitment had been
experienced at least at the local level, following the government
statement in the House of Commons in 1968,3 and a former Org Exec
Sec claimed that by 1968 'stats were dropping all over the
planet'.4 In an effort to correct this situation, the Scientology
leadershtp attempted a major modification in policy. Between 1968
and 1970, the most severe social control measures were publicly
dropped as part of a campaign to change the movement's image. hrl h

 f 1

of Ih

..PI

f lln

rh A Policy Letter issued in arch 1969, for example, states:

We are going in the direction of mild ethies and involvement with
the Society. Arter 19 years of attack by minions of vested
interest, psyehiatric front groups, we developed a tightly
diseiplined organisational structure. ...We didn't Isnow it at the
time, but our di6ficulties and failures were the result of false
reports put OUI by the small, but rich and powerful group of
individuals who would deny man freedom. Now that we know...we wiD
never need a harsh spartan discipline for ourselves.

Freedo=, 37 (March 1972), p. 2. S This offer is made in most
Seientology publieations. f In an interview. I nterview. ICO Policy
etter, 7 March 1969, as cited in 'Scientology ethics policies .. ',
o cit., p. 25.

Early in their history Scientologists had realized the advantages
of being recognized as a religion. They now saw the advantages of
being regarded as a denominational rather than as a sectarian form
of religion. The stabilization and possible increase of recruitment
to advanced courses suggest that this policy may have been
successful.

De-amplification appears to have occurred on the part of agents of
control as well. In Britain and Australia particularly, commitment
to 'freedom of thought' and 'freedom of religion' led to uneasiness
concerning the severity of state action against Scientology, and a
willingness to reconsider earlier, possibly precipitate, decisions.
(For example, the accreditation of Scientology in Australia by
the federal government as a recognized denomination for purposes of
the [arnage Act, which effectively nullified the discriminatory
state government legislation.)

In the period after 1968, the organization opened its premises at
East Grinstead on Sundays, invited doctors and ministers of all
denominations to take courses, and developed its social reform
programmes. It particularly publicized its stand as a radical
opponent to institutional psychiatry, and emphasized the drug
rehabilitation scheme Narconon, which the Church sponsors, The
Clhurch of Scientology had therefore a strategy of de-amplification
open to it which is generally unavailable to the illicit drug-user
or the delinquent. That is, it had the means to promote a change of
the stereotype of Scientology which had grown up. (The delinquent
or drug-user can, of course, change his own appearance and
behaviour, but there is relatively little he can normally do to
change the stereotype regarding delinquents and drug-users as a
whole.) Whether or not this strategy will be successful remains to
be seen. During the penod 1970 to 1973, Scientology has been the
subject of a number of books and articles by former Scientologists
and others which have continued to publicize its more deviant
features. In the reachon to crihcs, both in the courts and beyond
them, there is evidence to suggest that the attempt by its leaders
to present Scientology as a denomination, and as having
accommodated to conventional reality, is still only an attempt to
manipulate public relations.

The deviance-amplification model appears to be supported by the
development of Scientology and the reaction to it within the wider
society. Initial deviation by this movement led to hostile societal
reaction which in turn led the movement to adopt strategies of
defence towards, and attack upon, irs detractors, construed in turn
by the press and by agents of social control as confirmation for
their initial diagnosis. A set of generalized beliefs and a
stereotypic characterization of the movement v ere formulated and
disseminaed by the mass media and moral crusaders, leading to a
pamc reaction issuing in changes in the law.

It should bc stressed, however, that amplification is not a
deterministic process. 224

THE SECT: SCIENTOLOGY

The Scientology movement chose to adopt an increasingly hostile
stance towards critics and the wider society.
Deviance-amplification and de-amplification wert the results of
strategies adopted and implemented by the movement's leaders, as a
means of coping with a hostile enviromment.

Some drop in the orert hostility of the movement's attacks on
outsiders appears to have occurred as a result of the severity of
governmental action, and a decline in the gTov th rate of committed
membership. However, this 'de-escalation' may be primarily a
public-relations ecercise, since despite a considerable drop in
moral panic and in the severity of societal reaction, the movement
continues to react to criticism and commentary in a manner that
suggests some persishng

A DEVIANT BELIEF SYSTEM

The manner in wmch members of social groups Sustain 'definitions of
the situation', and a sense of meaningful social order has been a
prominent focus in recent sociological theory. A central thrust of
this work has been to demonstrate that the conceptions of reality
which prevail in human gToupS are socially
constructed.
The'obiechvecharacterandmoralvalidity-theltaken-for-gTanted status
of the prevailing institutional and cultural order and the
conception of reality incorporated within it, are seen by such
theorists as an accomplishment of social actors.l

Definitions of the situation and the sense of social order are seen
as precarious constructs vulnerable to disruption. Their status as
unproblematic, commonsense knowledge is sustained through
reaffirmation in the course of conversation and social interaction.
Despite their subjechve origins, however, the symbolic constructs
which order the social environment come, through socialization,
reification, and habituation, to be seen as objective facts bmiting
and constraining the bebaviour of social actors. Social gToupS
evolve mechanisms for managing, eliminahng, or accommodating
challenges to widely-accepted
definitionsofthesituation.Nevertheless,
theyremainsusceptibletosuchchallenges definitions ofthe
situation.Nevertheless, they remain susceptible to such challenges

1 This theme has been developed from various theoretical points of
view. Perhaps the most prominent work in this area has been that of
Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann, he Social Construction of Reality
(Allen Lane, London, I967). The work of Erving Goffman is also
relevant: 'rhe Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Doubleday
Anchor, New York, I959); Behavior in Public Places (Free Press, New
York, I963); Relations in Public (Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, I
972) . Ethnomethodological writers have also contributed to this
area: Harold Garfinkel, Studies in Ethnomethodology
(Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NewJersey, I967); Aaron V.
Cicourel, ?he Social Organisation of jruvenile j'ustice (Wiley, New
York, 1 967); Peter McHugh, DeJning the Situation: the Organisation
of Meaning in Social Interaction (Bobbs-Merrill, New York, I968).
Also relevant are Peter L. Berger and Hansfried Kellner, 'Marriage
and the construction of reality', Joan Emerson, 'Behavior in
private places: sustaining definitions of reality in gynaecological
examinations', and Arlene K. Daniels, 'The social construction of
military psychiatric diagnoses' - all in Hans Peter Dreitzel, ed.,
Patterns of Communicative Behavior (Collier-Macmillan, London,
I970). emanating from alien cultures, or from deviant individuals
and groups within the society.l

Such deviant groups not only challenge the social world in which
they exist; they are, in turn, challenged by it. The very existence
of a 'conventional' world inhabited by a majority which does not
share their beliefs and practices is itself a major challenge to
the legitimacy or validity of their definition of reality. The
world of the deviant suffers from a disconhnuity less
characteristic of the world of the conventional The deviant finds
no taken-for-granted articulation between the various spheres of
his life while he continues to inhabit the conventional world. His
job, his bank, the bus company, etc., are not organized on
principles derived from his be]ief system. They present a potential
challenge to these beliefs rather than a reinforcement of them. The
major legitimating agencies of the conventional world: the mass
media, the educational institutions, the political parties, and he
churches are oriented to the dissemination and support of a set of
beliefs and assumpbons at variance with - and perhaps sometimes in
direct conflict with - those of the deviant minority group. The
power institutions of the society which can be mobilized to enforce
a particular definition of reality - the police, the courts, the
mflitary, and the state bureaucracy - are directed by those who are
usuallv firmly committed to the prevailing hegemony.S

One stratety for coping with this problem is that of insulahon or
isolation from the surrounding society. Some deviant groups are
able to accomplish this with greater ease than others.
Communitarian groups such as the Hutterites and some Doukhobors
maintained a distinchve style of life and a system of beliefs and
practices radically at variance with those prevalent in the host
society over several generations.3 They were particularly
succetsful in this respect, in part because neither of these groups
sought to recruit converts from outside the community. They also
preserved an agrarian way of life wmch permitted their members to
fulfil their work roles largely within the confines of the
collectivity. Contact between believer and conventional society was
minimized further by geographical isolation, an alien language,
and by bans on marrying non-believer5 or participating in voluntary
associations or forms of entertainment beyond the confines of the
collectivity.

These methods of insulation are less readily available to
Scientologists. Scientology is the product of a highly
industrialized and technological culture.

I Robert A. Scott, 'A proposed framework for analysing deviance as
a property oE social order', in Robert A. Scott and Jack D.
Douglas, eds., 7 heortical Perlpectiues on Devianee (Basic Books,
New York, 1972), pp. 9-35; H. Taylor guckner, Deviance Pe :lity and
Changt (Random House, New York, 197

) .

2 Ralph iliband, rhe Sae in Capialist Saciey (Weidenfeld &
Nieolson, London, ,969).

( On the Hutterites, see Victor Peters, 11 rhings Camman (Harper,
New York, .965) ;John W Bennett, lluenan Prehren (Stanford
University Press, Stanford, 1967. On the Doukhobors, see George
Woodcock and Ivan Avakumovic, rhe Doukhaaars (Baber, London, 1968).
It finds its major support in the urban centres of advanced
industrial societies. It is highly dependent upon recruitment from
the general population. The high cost of its services has the
consequence that the largest part of its membership must hold
occupations outside the movement which secure a substantial income.
Scientology also has no developed communal orientation. Members are
relatively atomized and isolated from each other. Hence the
movement is highly involved in conventional society, and the
validity of the conception of reality which it purveys is therefore
open to constant challenge.

For members this may pose a persistent problem of being required to
justify the movement'S world-view to others and, in consequence, to
themselves. One mode of coping with this problem is to limit one's
contact with non-believers by gradually dropping their acquaintance
and replacing unbelieving friends and marital partners by
Scientologists. A more general means of coping with the problem is
one encouraged by the degree of differentiation of advanced in-
dustrial societies. Such societies display marked differentiation
between the realms of work, home and other leisure activities. A
high level of mobility results in the dispersal of friends and
acquaintances across the ecology of the urban environment. Thus the
various spheres of the individual's life may be located in distinct
ecological areas with only relahvely low visibility between them.
The member may therefore minimize any challenge to the validity of
his unconventional beliefs by sumply not exposung them in
conventional domains. He compartmentalizes and segregates bis
beliefs and behaviour.

Experlence has taught me never to tell one set of fnends what l'nn
doine in another

Experience has taught me never to tell one set of friends what I'm
doiDg in another direction with anomher set of friends. I use one
of the local pubs and you couldn't speak about anything to do with
the occult there....You've got to have }eparatc compartmentsP ...I
had a lot of friends who hardly knew I waj a Scientologist. I
didn't discuss Scientology mueh outside.'

The movement leaders have also estabbshed a variety of mechanisms
to cope with this problem, The rigorous practice of sociahzation
incorporated in the practice of auditing and the training
programmes, and the stringent social controls embodied in the
Ethics system serve to render new recruits less disruptive of the
status of the movement's demlition of reality. These features of
Scientology produce a set of structural and motivational
constraints on the articulation of criticism of its practices and
presuppositions. (A number of the factors which we shall consider
here have been alluded to briefly in earlier chapters.) Structural
and mowational constraints on ctisasm

Notable in this respect is the atomization of members. The bulk of
the members have formal contacts with each other only in situations
structured by the

nterview. : Interview. leadership: on course, at Sunday services,
or at Congresses. Such meetings are arranged almost entirely to
facilitate the downward flow of communication, rather than to
foster general discussion or debate. They are opportunities for the
mobilization of members rather than opportunities for democratic
decisionmaking. Hubbard has expressed his disenchantment with
democratic forms of organization.

A totally democratic organitation has a bad name in Dianetics and
Scientolozy.... It has been found by actual experiment (L A. g5o)
that groups of people called on to select a leader from among them
by nomination and vote routinely select only those who would hll
them.'

...a democracy is a collective-think of reactive banks. Popular
opinion is bank opinion. (The more committed core members do have
more frequent opportunity for formal and informal contact in the
context of the various social reform activities of the movement,
and on such occasions as concerts by Scientology entertainers.
These events are eiher largely expressive, or are again
opportunities for the mobilization of members, rather than for
debate or democratic formulation of policy.)

Collective discussion and criticism is also inhibited by the Ethics
code wbich specify as a 'general crime', 'Organising or allowing a
gathering or mee ing of staff members or field auditors or the
pubbc to protest the orders of senior'.J There is also an absence
of established channels for the public expression of criticism.
The movement's periodical publications ceased to pubbsh critical
letters and articles from members in the early 19505. sion of
cnhcism The movements neriodical mhlication

,i tn nllhli

(The Church of Scientology points out to me that the following
channeh exist for the expression of criticism: 1. the Exammner; 2.
the Chaplain; g. the auditing session; 4. the petition Gne; 5. the
Committee of Evidence line; 6. the Review Committee of Evidence
line. Three points occur to me about these channels. They are
individual rather than coLective occasions for criticism; they are
private rather than public; they exist to remedy deviations from
pobcy and doctrine, not to provide means of challenging or
cntically debating points of policy or doctrine.)

Hubbard is accepted as possessing privileged access to the truth
with regard to matters of doctrine and organization. His
revelations are final and complete. Hence there can be no ground
upon which they could be challenged or

I OEC, Vol. O, p. 32. Originally a Poli Letta published iD 1962

5 OEC, Vol. O, p. 29. Originally a Polic,v Letter published in
1965.

3 L Ron Huhbard, Introduction to Scitntoloey Ethics (2nd edition)
Scientology Publications Organization, Copenhagen, Denmark, 1970,
p. 46.

tiThe 70urnsl of Scientology ceased publication of cnticism after
the removal of Alphia art as erlitor in 1953. No .ubsequent
o,t1ianl publication has published commentary by members crihcal
of the movement, to my knowledge. The 6ndependent' neshspaper,
Ererom, occrsionally publisbes critical letters. criticized. When a
new technique or belief is propounded, those which it supercedes
are simply dropped from use, with only rare admission that they may
ever have been less than perfect. Doubt or criticism would
therefore involve 'invalidating Scientology'; 'public disavowal of
Scientology or Scientologists in good standing with Scientology
Organisations'; 'inciting to insubordination'; or one of the many
other Ethics offences which can be mobilized against internal
critics. The member is also isolated by the Ethics codes from other
institutional sources of criticism. Among the 'High Crimes' of the
movement are:

Dependency on other mental or philosophical procedures than
Scientology (ercept medical or surgical) after certification,
classification, or award.'

Continued membership in a divergent group.'

(The Scientologists point out to me that a 'divergent group is a
group which uses Scientology technology in a messed up fashion, not
repeat not a group different from Scientology'.)a

The 'hierarchy of sanchfication' that has been erected within the
movement is a further institutional barrier to criticism. The
member is made to realize that there is a gaded progression of en
ightenment and insight into the gnosis. Those on the loer rungs of
this hierarchy therefore shortly recognize that much information is
not yet available to them and come to believe that as more is
reveaLed in the progression upwards, so any lingenng queries,
doubts and CrihCisms will be dealt with. The belief system also has
an interesting openended quality. Since it is be ieved that
everything has been revealed, at Icast to crihcisms will be dealt
with. The bebef system also has an unteresting openended quality.
Since it rs beGeved that everything has been revealed, at least to
Hubbard, the beGef system is not open-ended in the sense that new
knowledge may be discovered and contributed by others. It remains
open-ended, however, in the degree to which it rests on
mystification. Hubbard's Gterary output contains large portions
which it is evident that even committed and longserving adherents
find thoroughly mysterious. One witness before the Victoria
Enquiry, although a Scientologist of many years' standing, admitted
that he still did not understand some of Hubbard's writings, such
as the 'azaoms',4 of which the following is an example:

the static, having poseulated as-is-ness, then practises
alter-is-ness, and so achieves

the apparency of is-ness and so obtains reaGty.s

Other Scientologists of long-standing whom I have approached for
expGcation of passages such as the following, also admitted that
their comprehension of Scientology was not yet sufficiently
developed for them to understand everything that Hubbard has
written. ' L. Ron Hubbard, Introduction to Scicntooby Ethics, op.
cit., p. 51. ' Ibid. S Personal Communication, November 1974.

Kevin Victor Anderson ReoTt of the Board of Enquiry into Scientooey
(Government Pnnter, Meibourne, Australia, 1965, p. 68. 5 LRon
Hubbard, hc Creahon of uman Ab:ilty (Scientology Publications,
London,

, p. 15 Self-determinism i9 entirely and solely the imposition of
time Ind space upon energ flows By imposing time and space upon
objects, people, self, events, and individual is Causation. [sic]
The total components of his self-determinism is the ability impose
time and space. His energy is derived from the discharge of high
and low different, potentials to which he has assigned time and
spaee. Dwh-dling sanity is dwinding ability to assign time and
space. Psychosis is a complete inability to assig.. time and space.
This is, as well, will power. I

Such passageS convince the member that he has a great deal more to
discove~ before he will be in a pOSieion to criticize the beliefs
and practices of the movement. They also provide an area of
'mystery' upon which Hubbard can draw in the articulation and
legitimation of modifications to the currently accepted corpus of
Scientological knowledge.

The authoritarian nature of the movement's epistemology entails th
lt modification or elaboration of doctrine or practice is not
something in which the individual member can participate. It is his
place to receive the doctrine, not to question it. Hence, the
movement's literature warns against doubt, questioning criticism,
and open-mindedness. 'Persons who "have an open mind"' are regarded
as 'threatening sources' and 'the policy in general is to cut
communication' with them.t Criticism is regarded as impeding the
movement's progress:

If you find something wrong with the organisation of the HASI, its
personnel cr people, anc if you cridcise this weakly or strongly,
remember you are criticising yoLr own organisation...and if you
criticise eonstantly and continually about the various ills to
which aty human organisation is subject, allowing of course that
the HASI is I human organisabon - you're making it just that much
tougher to get this job done.'

Scientology is the 'science of certainty', therefore doubt can only
be a product of the reactive mind, and a lower Ethics condition.
Each of these offences may result in penalization. They will be
seen as indicating that the individual is making poor progress; and
that he needs further auditing before continuing with his training.
Should he persist, he is likely to be seen as 'suppressive' and to
be expelled. Even private criticism to friends in the movement is
dangerouS, since in the course of Ethics inquiry they may confess
that someone has 'invalidated' Scientology, or their 'gains', and
hence is 'PTS' (Potenhal Trouble Source), and this may lead to the
exercise of sanctions.

Cnticism, however, is inhibited not only among members. The
movement'S leaders have attempted to constrain criticism by
non-members. Those who

L. Ron Hubbard, Sricntology e oa (the L5istribution Ce,nter Inc.,
Silver Springs, Maryland, rg52), p. 44.

' L. Ron Hubbard, 'Policies on physical healing, insanity and
troublesome sourees, sCO Poliy l,ctkr, 27 October 1964.

' L. Ron Hubbard, 'Ownership: special PAB', Profrssional .uditor's
Btdlrtin, 53 (27 May 1955), p. 2-

REALITY MAINTENANCE 1.'1 A DEVIANT BELIEF SYS rEM

231

publicly voice their disapproval of the movement are liable to
defamation; to legal action;t and to threatened investigation of
their private lives.3

Language is the basic building material for the construction and
repair of social reality Language 'marks the co-ordinates of my
life in society and fills that life with meaningful objects'.4
Scientology displays an acute preoccupation with language. Hubbard
has invented several hundred neologisms, for example: 'Randomity',
'itsa', 'opterm' 'midruds' 'expanded gita', 'disenturbulate', and
'as-isness'. In his writings and those of his followers, verbs and
adjectives are often employed as nouns ('a withhold', 'a static')
and nouns are transformed into verbs ('squirrelling', 'short
sessioning'). Prepositions are used in unfamiliar ways ('at
cause'), and numerous contractions and acronyms are employed
(h,IEST', 'D of P', 'Exec Sec', 'Qual', 'Org'). The net effect of
this extensive reorganiation of the English language is to render
Scientological conversation and internal documentation all but
unintelligible to the uninitiated.

The language of Scientology also serves to support the validity of
its beliefs and practices. The existence of an extensive technical
vocabulary impresses newcomers who see it as a proof of the
scientific character of the enterprise. It serves to maintain the
faith of those who may be inc ined to doubt. Since, it is believed
the words must mean something, failure to understand or unwilling-
ness to accept some statement in the movement's literature can be
attributed to the student having 'mmsunderstood' some word used in
the text. Any disagreement with, or disinclination to pursue the
study of, Hubbard's work is a consequence of failure fully to
understand the meaning of some term that one has passed over, that,
is of a 'misunderstood'. Most books currently issued by the Org now
contain an 'Important Note'.

The only reason a person gives up a study or becomes confused or
unable to learn is that he or she has gone past a word or phrase
that was not understood.

One is enjoined to go back, locate this word, ensure that one
understands it and can apply it, and then continue. If one finds
there is shll some point of disagreement, doubt, or
incomprehension, the cause of the problem is that one has either

I For example Kenneth Robinson and Dr E. L. Fisher, discussed in
Chapter 7.

4 After publicly commenbng on Scientology, numerous individuals and
newspapers have had wrib for libel served on them by the movement's
solicitors. The movement is so litigious that many editors are
extremely wary of publishing articles on Scientology. See Omar V.
Garrison, rhr Hiddn Story of Srirtology (Ariington Books, London,
1974), p. 80. Hubbard has stated that '...we should be very alert
to sue for slander at the slightest chanee so as to discourage the
public presses from menboning Seientology'. L. Ron Hubbard,
'Dissemination of material', Aoility, Major I (1955), p 5.

S For example Lord Balniel, see above, p. 194.

: Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann, op. cit., p 36. 232

Tr. sr.(: l sCIl:rTOLOGY

missed some otur word in the texL; r one has failed to understand
the meaning of a word in the dictionary dcfi jon of the word one
originally sought to understand; or misunderstood solllc word in
earlier study (academic or Scientology) .

A dictionary of Scientology Irrllls has been compiled, and students
are obliged to check non-Scientology words in standard English (or
Amencan) dictionaries unbl they are able to nl:lke sense of any
statementMaking sense seems to be accomplished by searhl,g for
a dictionary definition which conveys some meaning in the context
of th.l I tatement. Thus, for example, in the case of the phrase:
'One can only do th,...things vith which he can exchange com
munication',1 the student might l, ve to Scour several dictionarieS
to locate some definition of 'communicathup which will permit him
to gloss this phrase as: you can only do things if you c .UI make
contact withiface up to!engage vithl
gainsomeresponseorreactionfinlllwhatcverisnecessarytoiisinvolvedinli
san adjunct to doing them. If somc

h acceptabe (albeit trivial) gloss is not achieved, the student may
have n rk definitions of further words either in th definitions of
'communicafion or nl wrds he has earlier misunderstOOdHe ma be
required to read the passagc wllilc being checked on the E-meter to
see i some reaction occuns on another lrd He mav be required to
demonstrate the word or even his misundcrsla ng Of it, by using
various bric-a-brac t provide a visual model. Finally all ppeal may
be made to the student not as - human bemg but as a thetan. H njly
not be able to exchange with runninrrlreadinrlnarrhlt

n hinr hnt he coul provide a visual model. Finally all :Il;peal may
be made to the student not as a human being but as a thetan. Hc
nl,ly not be able to exchange communicatin with
runmnglreadingparachutin nr whatever, as a human being, but he
could as a thetan.S

The logic of this process is thnt nlle disagTees with, doubtS, or
fails to comprehend Hubbard, not because bn is talking nonsense,
but becauSe of mis understoods' . The individual lean I rl doubt
his own judgement; to locate some meaning in the undoubted
mystilicltiOn of much of Hubbard's writingi or to acquiesce to some
half-comprehen.lcrl and yet half-incomprehensible statement in the
hope that all will be made · lctr to him at some later point. There
is now an elaborate 'Study Technology' rlnployed to assist those
who are slow in gTasping the principles of the movnlllent

'Word-clearing' currently form important part of the lower level
courses Unless the student quickly finds all acceptable gloss for
misunderStoods, process is extremely tedious. Fn lr to make sense
of the material leads t delays before the student is allow r ,l lo
begin the courses on general Scientolog theory and practice for
which ht lliq come to the Org. If, as is often the case students
are renting accommodath ear the Org, such delayS are also a sourc
of further expense. Hence there is cull5iderable motivahon to
repress doubts an difficulties. The student learns n .Ibserve in
the text or to elicit from th

' Course 'pack' for the Communi.1l innS Counse

This was the scquence of event icl transpired when the author
failed to mak sense of this phrase while ensaged on 11
Communieations Course

RBALITY MAINTENANCB IN A DBVIANT BBLlrF SYSTrM

233

instructor, cues as to what will constitute an acceptable
interpretation. The process of 'word clearing' therefore leads to a
further suspension of the individual's critical faculty, or to
its inhibition, and to the ready acceptance of Hubbard's
formulations as intrinsically meaningfui.

Interpretation

Under the label of interf)retation we shall explore the processes
by which Scientology deals with challenges to its validitv by
referring them to its ideology and identifying them as predictable
deviations. Berger and Luckmann discuss two aspects of this
process, therapy, and nihilation.

Therapy entails the application of conceptual machinery to ensure
that actual or potential deviants stay within the institutionalised
definitions of reality, or, in other words, to prevent the
'inhabitants' of a given universe from 'emigrating'. It does this
by applying the legitimating apparatus to individual 'cases'.l
Sinee therapy must concern itself with deviations from 'omcial'
definitions of reality, it must develop a conceptual machinery to
account for such deviations and to maintain the realitie thus
challenged. This requires a body of knowledge that includes a
theory of deviance, a diagnostic apparatus, and a conceptuai system
for the cure ol souls . '

Like psychoanalysis, Scientology contains conceptual machinery for
the interpretahon of failure and opposition. The application of the
belief system in terms of therapy3 has been touched on earlier.
Doubt, disbeiief, and deviance are attributable to 'Bank', to the
Reactive Mind. They are believed to manifest themselves through
'down-statistics' and through 'failure to make case gains'. People
who are in contact with suppressives, for example, are said to
'rolleT coaster'. That is, their 'case' may improve for a while and
then deteriorate. The remedy in such a situahen may involve Ethics
action and further auditing. Dissatisfachon with the results of
auditing is also attributable to 'withholds', or to a fauity
auditor. Since the practice is held to be uniformly effective if
properly applied, it follov s that failure to achieve some 'gain'
from auditing might be a consequence of vithholds' on the part of
the individual being audited (that is, failure to disclose some
thought or deed which should have been reported); or a consequence
of the auditor employing 'out-Tech' (that is, some practice not
approved, or in a manner not approved, by Hubbard). The
responsibiiity for lack of success from auditing lies always with
either the preclear or the auditor, never with the theory and
technique.4 Remedies are again available through Ethics action or
further auditing.

l serger and Luckmann, op. cit., p. 130. J Ibid., pp. 13O r.

J In serger and Luckmanns rather than the medical sense.

4

i here are no auditing filures There are only errors in audifing.'
Professional Auditor's Bulletin, some time in 1968.

JVihilaion is the appiication of conceptual machinery to the
management of challenges emanating from outside the collectivity.
It invoives endowing the sources of any such challenge with a
negative cognitive status,l and accounting for it in terms of
concepts drawn from the accepted ideologyt Nihilation in
Scientology rests mainly on the application of a general conspiracy
theory to any criticism of, or hostility toward it.

Psychiatrists and supporters of the mental health movement are the
leading figures in the conspiracy against Scientology.
Psychiatrists are inhuman beings who seek to rule the world.
Politicians, state and international agencies are pawns in their
strategy to subvert the free world, a strategy that only the
Scientology movement is capable of resisting.

These psychiatric front groups have a very thorough programme of
Western de 1. Destruction of the Constitution. 2 . Eradication oE
boundaries. 3. Easy seizure of anyone. 4. The 'right' to torture or
kill. 5. Eradication of all churches. 6. Destruction i f sexual
morality.

7 Deprivation of future ieaders by the creation of dope addiction
in schools. All those things and mtre are to be found througbout
their campalgn literature, their advices to members and their
litt;e puppet politieal supporters;'

We're playing for blood. The stake is Earth. If we don't make it
nobody will. We're the sole agency in eristence today that can
forestall the erasure of all civilization or bring a new better
one.'

The leaders of the psychiatric profession and mental health
movement are claimed to have had close links with the emergence of
Nazism.

We have traced their origins to two years btfore Hitler and have
traced the Nazi deeth camps and azi philosophy to this group.5

Psychatrists have infiltrated positions of political power and
influence. They seek to promote the rise of fascism in order to
encourage a communist reaction which will, in the resulting
disorder, take over the free world.

The psychiatnst has masters. His principle organisation, World
Federation of Mental

Health isiC] and its members, the National Associations of Mental
Health, the 'American' Psycbiatric Association and the 'American'
Psychclogical Association are directly connected to Russia. Even
the British Broadcasting Company has stated that psychiatry and the
KGB (Russian Secret Police) operate in direct coilusion. A member
of the WHMF, [sic siti on every 'Advisory Council' of the US
Government, to name one government.

Berger and Luckmann, op. cit., p. 13Z

' Ibid., P ' 33

' ;rcedom 5 (1969). : Ot, Vol. O, p 72.

' L. Ron Hubbard, 'Enemy f nances ag Ordes of the Day, 4 April tg7n
Ministers of Health or Health Authorities are members of the
National Association of the WFH. The psychiatrist has masterS t
Since 1938 the psychiatrists and psychologists have advanced a long
way toward their goal of power seizure. They employ terrorism,
corruption and blackmail to cow political henchmen. They have taken
over education not only in Universities but even in the lesser
schools, and are producing a submissive degraded generation over
which to ruled

Only Scientology is Svorking for the salvage of western
civilisation, working effectively...'.5 Hence it is the only
barrier to the psychiatric-communist take-over, and therefore
subject to attack.

Every single lie, false charge and attack on Scientology has been
traced directly to this groups members. Thev have sought at great
expense for 19 years to crush and eradicate any new development in
the field of the mind. Of twenty one persons found attacking
Dianetics and Scientology with rumours and entheta, eighteen of
them under investigation were found to be members of the Communist
Party or criminals, usually both.5

Attacks on Scientology can be explained by Scientology theory
through the concepts of 'overt' and 'withhold'.S Critics of
Scientology have comrnitted crimes which they have not admitted
(that is, which they have withheld). Such individuals fear the
ability of Scientologists to discover the truth.

Unfortunately the person who does not want you to study Sclentotogy
Is your enemy as well as ours. When he harangues against us to you
as a 'cult', as a 'hoax', as a very bad thing done by very bad
people, he or she is saying 'Please, please, please, don't try to
find me out'. Thousands of such protesting people carefully
invesbgated by us have been found to have unsavoury pasts and
sordid motives they did not dare (they felt) permit to come to
light. The wife or mother who rails against a family member who
takes up Seientology is, we regret to have to say, guided by very
impure motives, generated in the morass of dread secrets long
withheld. The father, husband, or friend who frowns upon one
knowing more about the mind is mding something that he feels would
damage him.' Thus, all cribcism of Scientology can be discounted as
a product of fear and g tilt which is being displaced on to the
movement.

I L. Ron Hubbard, 'The psyehiatrist at work', CO ulretin, 18July
1970, reprinted in Certainty, 18, ! I (1972). It is not always
clear from such polemic whether it is the psychiatrists or the
communists who are the 'real' masters.

r Freedom, 5 (1969)-

S L. Ron Hubbard, 'The future of Scientology and Western
Civilization', Lecture 6 of the Tedures on Claaring, London
Congress, 1958 (Hubbard Communications Omce, London, 958).

: Ibid.

S L. Ron Hubbard, Uanual of ustiee [probably HCO, no location, c.
Igjg]. See also Appendix 3. See above, p. 108. L. Ron Hubbard, Why
Some Fieht Screntalogy (HCO, Washington DC, 1960), p. j.

There is, however, a further reason to discount the criticisms of
Scientology b doctors and psychiatrists. Nihilahon may also take
the form of a claim that th practice and research of such men
itself belatedly supports the revealed truths o Scientology (or of
Dianetics, which is now conceived as a kind of preluninar to
Scientology).

The iollowing cutting from a recent 'Time' Magazine was sent to Ron
by an audito. in the U.S.A. 'Surgeons and Nurses must be careful of
what they say even when a patient is anaesthetized, said San
Franciico's Dr D-. Even when the patient seems completely "out",
he can stili hear, and may remember disturbing or embarrassing
indiscretions'. The auditor adds a comment: 'Thought you might be
amused by someone's ten year communication lag'.l Just as 'medical
science' has accepted PRENATAL EXPERIENCE according to their best
heralds, the popular maga:ines such as CORONET and READER'S DIGEST
j ic], prenatals fade into the obscurity of curiosa in Dianetics.r

Nor is this always entirely aceidental. It is further argued that
doctors and psychiatrists are in fact acting entirely in bad faith
in criticizing Dianetics and Scientolog,v, since they know that
they work; secretly employ their methods; or have them employed on
fammly members.

This unreasoning attack on the part of a few has resulted in bad
publicity for dianetics. There is some reason to believe that the
principles and techniques of dianetics are being used, in some
part, by people who have been writing publich against it.B

agalllSt It.3 Out of 2 1 psychiatrists in Washington DC, none of
whom would use dianetia h their practice, 18 gave me quiet places
to audit their wives who through variou practices had become
intensely neurotic and could not be rescued by psychiatn
techniques. This tells us why dianetics gets nowhere in the
psychiatric world, brut as the fact may be.i On a reeent graduate
course at Saint Hill on the praetise of Dianetics, there were six
medical doctors...in London, 17 psychiatrists visited onr bookshop
and bought copies of the standard work on Dianetics.s

The technique of nihilation then can serve not only to counter
crihcism and undermine its cognitive status, it can be used to
display that such criticism actually supports and demonstrates the
truth of Scientology. As Berger and Luckmann suggest in another
context, 'the devil unwithngly glonfies God... even...the atheist
is really a believer'.S

' L. Ron Hubbard, 'Quick on the uptake', Professioral Auditor's
Bulletir (June: 960),

B L. Ron Hubbard, A istorv of lfan (HASI, London, n.d.), p 1. B
'Editorial', Dicndic Auditor's Bulletin, I, 9 ( 1 95 l ) .
LetterfromL.RenHubbard,heGhostofScientology,lo(Apnl-Mayl953),p.4. i
Jireedom 8 (969). r Berger and Luckmann, op. cit., p. 133.
Legitimation

The term legitimntt' n will here be employed to label the means by
which the prevailing social order and institubonal practices of the
movement are symbolically represented as historically necessary
and morally right.l Legitimation involves the elaboration of an
exoteric ideology which employs a rhetoric acceptable to the bulk
of the members to explain and justify tactics of the leadership.
Such an ideology should also provide a means of mobilizing sym-
pathy and support from non-members as part of a strategy of
'creahng a safe space for Scientology'.

The conspiracy theory outlined above is clearly central to the
process of legitimating the organizational behaviour of
Scientology. In the face of a world conspiracy to crush the
movement, rigorous internal control and 'harsh Ethics' were a
necessary defence to prevent infiltration and maintain the
organization. 'Attacking the attackers' could also be legitimated
by the seriousness of the threat. 'In that, self-defence is an
apposite defence. One is not obliged to wait for the first blow to
be struck.'3

The rhetoric of the wider society can also be deployed for the
defence of the movement's beliefs and pracices. Scientology could
be defined as a 'science'3 and also as a 'religion'.4 Whatever the
objective merits of these seemingly incompatible clauns, they had
the useful consequence of providing two alternative sets of
imagery for display through the movement's propaganda. Until the
early 1960s the rhetoric of Scientology as a 'science' was the more
prominent throughout its literature. After the FDA raid in 1963 the
public relations apparatus of the movement increasingy stressed the
nature of Scientology as a religion.5 Hence, the FDA seizures and
subsequent government actions throughout the world could be
characterized as 'religious persecution'. thrrn

 litrh

hr 31 Fn

Since 1 968, the movement has also shown a greater concern for
social welfare and reform. In that year, the newspaper, Freedom was
founded which polemicized against psychiatry and the mental heath
movement claiming to be

For the related use of this term by Berger and Luekmann, see ibid.,
pp. I lo 22.

t Anonymous, 'Attacks on Scientology and "attack" policies - a
wider perspective, photoeopy of manwcript, n.d., made available to
me by the Church of Scientology, p.40.

~ Scientology is an organised body of scientific research knowledge
concerning life, life sources and the mind and include3 practices
that improve the intelligence state and conduct of person3.' L. Ron
Hubbard, 'Defimtion of Scientology - written by LRH for legal
[department] when setting up HASI Ltd', HCO Bulle:in (g Julv

i Anonymous, Stientology: 'rwentieth Century Religion (Ghurch of
Scientology World Wide [East Grinstead, 1972.

The movement's Washington publication, Ability began pnnting
lists of Sunday services after the FDA raid. See Ability, 149
(i!Iarch 1963). z38

 THE SECT: SCIENTOLOGY

concerned about the plight of mental patients, and employing the
rhetoric of 'Human Rights for Mental Patients'. Freedom's scope
broadened progressively in later years. The American Internal
Revenue service became the subject of Freedom exposes following the
revocation of the tax-exempt status of the Church of Scientology in
Washington ; and Interpol and the police became the subject of a
campaign after the Church of Scientology had instituted proceedings
for libel against a number of senior poiice omcers.r These
campaigns were presented -as motivated by a general reformist
concern for human rights rather than as a response to particular
events involving Scientology and the agencies concerned.

The social reality of Scientology can also be legitimated by
reference to its pov er, its size, its ability to achieve results,
and its success as a movement in terms of its wealth. The
movement's propaganda generally numbers Scientologists in the
millions, and its income and property is a source of considerable
pride.

We own quite a bit ot property over the world. We will be acquiring
more, as weli as some countries.'

Comparing Scientology to psychiatrists and supporters of the Mental
Health movement, Hubbard stresses these legihmating features:

There were not 200,000 at their peak So over the world we outnumber
even their movement, Hubbard streszer these iegitimating features:

There were not 200,000 at their peak. So over the world we
outnumber even their rank and file zs to I at a very low estimate.
We could buy aii they own out of a week's income and never miss it.
Although a few skirmishes or even battles are stiil ahead of us,
there is no slightest question as to who is winning this war. The
Nazi psychiatrists and Nazi psychotherapists wilL most surely to
the way of the dinosaur [sic] . No, there is ro question as to who
will win this war. We will.'

An aspect of the same public relations exercise is the practtce of
publicizing the names of any individuals who enter the movement who
may have any ciaim to status or prestige In the early 19505 an
Archbishop of the American Catholic Church, Archbishop Odo Barry
was often mentioned as a supporter of Scientology In recent years
a titled former Colonial Governor and his wife, and a titled doctor
and his wife (also a doctor) have often been referred to in Scien-
tology publications Academics, entertainers and artists also
frequently appear in the movement's magazines 5 Such figures can be
utilized to provide the basis for a claim that Scientology is
successful since even the most prominent people are tahng it up.

I See Fretdom Rcports: 7~he Inttnal Reocnue Seruicr (Freedom
Editorial Omees, Los Angeles, California, 1973).

8 Frcedom, early issues in 1974. ' L. Ron Hubbard, Flag Order of
Ihc Day, zo February, 197n ' L. Ron Hubbard, Enemy finances', op.
cit.

S Disproportionately often for their numerical representation in
the movement membenship as a whole, as far as one can tell.
Celebrities are taking up Scientology. That's the sign. Remember zo
years a when artists were taking up psychoanalysis? It is always
the beginning of the I win when celebrities - song writers, actors,
artists, writers, begin to take somethi Up .1

Conclusit7ns

Scientology maintains an extensive public-relations apparatus, the
purpose o. which is to publicize an image of the movement which
will attract new followers stimulate sympathy and support from
non-members for Scientology policie and practices, and rouse
antagonism towards Scientology's opponents. Thi public-relations
apparatus aims to legitimate the tactics and hostilities of th
movement's leaders by elaborahng an exotenc ideology which draws o
contemporarily acceptable rhetorics of justification. For example,
the esoteri ideology states that:

We should attack with the end in view of taking over the whole
field of Menta Healing.t

The exoteric formulation of the movement's motivation is rather
differentl represented.

The Scientologists claim that they are in the 'traditional
mainstream' of religio reform movements: they state categorically
that reforms are needed urgently in the field of mental health, and
they make it quite clear that they are not wanting to provide their
own technology as a substitute to current psychiatric therapy, but
rather, that the psychiatri.t should reform hs own howe...

That the published humamtarian aims of the movement's leaders in
connection with these wider social issues, are post hoc
rationalizations of a power.seeking strategy is suggested by two
facts, First, the movement's social reform campaigns have
generallyfollowed what its leaders regarded as hostile acts or
statements by the individuals or agencies concerned. The movement
declared itself to be concerned with the rights of mental patients
only after psychmatnsts and mental health agencies became prominent
in the public controversy surrounding Scientology in the early and
mid-lg60s.4 It displayed a concern about the rights of those
cribcized in the press only after it had itself been the victim of
such criticism. The Internal Revenue Service of the US government
was not attacked until after the revocahon of the Church of
Scientology's

rhe Auditor, 44 (1969), p. 4. OE, Vol. O, p. 379. ' David R.
Dalton, rwo Disparak Philosophics (Regency Pres, London, 1973), p.
86. Although Hubbard has displayed an antipathy towards
psychiatnsts since the early days of Dianetics, he and Dr Joseph
Winter did initially seek the acceptance of the medical and
psychiatric professions for Dianetics. It is at least a plausible
hypothesis that Hubbard's hostility towards psychiatrists stems
from their reJection of his 'science of the mind'. tax-exempt
status Nor did the movement mount a campaign against 'police abuse'
by means of 'falsified records', police corruption, and
infringements of the rights of the citizeni, until after it had
issued writs for libel against a number of senior policemen in
connection with Interpol files

Second, the movements social reform and social welfare campaigns
are usually very short-lived Allied Scientists of the World, United
Survival Clubs, the National Academy of American Psychology,
Ciuizens of Washington Inc, the Constitutional Administration
Party, and the Citizen's Press Associahon, did not prove effective
in the pursuit of the goals of the movement leadership, and were
dropped very quickly l (It is worth noting that the Citizen's Com-
mission on Human Rights [founded in 1968], and Narconon [founded in
1966] persist and seem to indicate a trend toward more durable
social reform activity ) However, while the motivahon of the
movement's leaders for such propaganda activihes may be that of
'securing a safe space for Scientology' and extending its control
over its social environment, there can be no doubt that many,
perhaps all, of the ordinary members who involve themselves in
these propaganda exercises do so out of genuine conviction As in
the case of the Communist movement, the specific reformist
programmes of Scientology may be a source of appeal to
lower-echelon members who are not privy to the esotenc, power-
seeking strategy of the leadership 2

The propaganda and public-relations activities of the movement are
i portant realit maintaining devices, the objects of which are to
increase t respectability of the movement and its public acceptance
as a new religie denomination unjustly persecuted by an insidious
and sinister conspiracy Th form part of a battery of techniques
that defends the movement against inter challenges and supports the
validity of the view of social reality which embodies

(The increased social reform activity of the movement has been
represente to me rather differertly by an executive of Scientology
He argued that th movement leadeship became increasingly aware
after 1968 that the problem which the movement had faced up to that
time were in large part a result o their prior failure to take
sufficient responsibility for social reform This conflict with my
own interpretation that such activity was strategically motivated
should stress, however, that while I ree no necessary implications
for soci reform in the individualistic theory and practice of
Scientology, reformis concerns appear to have been a persistent
feature of Hubbard's thought since tl-

I One of his early associates recalled that Hubbard was prolific in
the generation organizaedonal ideas which he would institute on a
trial basis His attimde to thes tacties was exprersed by the phrase
'Run it up the flagpole, and see who salutes it' m informant
recollects (Interview )

S Gabnel A Almond et al, 'rhz Aptals oj Commnism (Pnnceton
University Pres Princeton, ew Jersey, ,954), Phflip Selznick, he
Organizaliona Wza,hon (Pree Pres Glencoe, 1960) CONCLUSIONS

Scientology is a manipulationist movement. It offers a set of
theories and techniques which explain the situation of the
individual in this life, and provide means of improving that
situation. While these techniques may be directed ultimately to the
liberation of man's spintual nature, this ultimate end is not a
well-elaborated condition, the virtues of which are clearly
explicated in doctrinal literature. This literature concentrates
upon more proximal goals. Salvation is envisaged in terms of the
alleviation of psychosomatic ills, relief from psychological
disabilities, remedies for lack of success or loneliness, or means
of improving one's efficiency and competence in the world as we
know it. No radical challenge is offered to prevailing values.
Rather means, held to surpass any other means available, are
provided for achieving these culturally valued ends. Salvation is
this-worldly in character, and achieved by the individual through a
client relationship with the dispensing organization rather than as
a collective or communal achievement. Communication within the
movement is relatively impersonal; relationships are
role-articulated; and the organization is bureaucratic,

Scientology and the contcmpotey rcltgious climate

While Scientology may, at first glance, appear to mark a radical
discontinuity with the Western religious tradition, the
characteristics summarized above and descnbed in detail in earlier
chapters, identify it, in fact, as a logical outcome and extension
of certain central features of that tradition,

The roots of the progressive secularization of western societies,
particularly Protestant western societies, htve been traced back to
Old TestamentJudaism. The God of Ancient Israel, unlike those of
neighbounng societies, was a radicallv transcendent God who made
severe ethical demands upon his followers and was immune to magical
manipulation. Hence, there was a polarization between Man and God,
with a thoroughly demythologized cosmos between them.l

This conception of God and the universe was carried over into
Christianity, although Catholicism implemented a progressive
remythologization of the

I Peter L serger, he Social Rtlty of Religion (Faber, London,
1969), Chapter 5. cosmos in important respects. Angels and saints
as semi-divine beings peopled the universe. Mary was elevated as a
mediator and co-redeemer with Christ. The divine could be
manipulated through ritual, confession and penance, undermining
the trend toward ethical rationaLization. Hence, the Reformation
marked the re-emergence of the rationalizing potential of
Judeo-Christiamty.

On Weber's account of the relationship between reLigious and sociaL
change in this period, the precestinarianism and ethical ngorism of
Calvinist ProtestantiSm led to a fundamental rahonaLization of
the believer's way of life and thought.l Without objective
indicators of salvational status, the believer sought a subjective
conviction of salvation through the practice of asceticism an i
methodical planning m his VOCahon, and in his life beyond Rational
calculation became a central cornponent of the methodology of
securing this conviction, leading to increased Froductive
efficiency and industrial acceleration.

The consequence of this process, hou ever, was the subversion of
the religious aims and motivations which caused its emergence
Industrial and economic rationaLization led to industrialization
and urbanization, social mobility, and social differentiation. The
rationalization of man's relationship with the universe between
him and God led to the development of scienced These trends in turn
led to further seeuLarization.

The efficacy of science and technology in producing viabLe
explanations of, and improvements ir., the world pushed back the
domain into which religion could authoritatively offer insight. The
state and other political instimtions faced with the integration of
a differentiated mass citizenry increasingly became organized on
bureaucratic lines. As in the economic sphere, so in the political
sphere, the need to organize and control a massive administrative
machine and enormous investments, and to satisfy the diverse
mterests of a mass clientele, led to increasing reliance on
empirical, pragmatic, and scientific rather than religious bases
for state action and political decision.

Social differentiatiDn led to the emergence of dstinctive social
groups and strata whose world-views might overlap with those of
neighbouring groups only margmally. New rehgious movements emerged
to provide religious rationales and direction more mmediately
suited to the needs of the members of such groups. Thus in advanced
industrial sociehes a situation of religious pluralism prevails, in
which religious mstitutions and collectivities are m competition
for a clientele.S

As Peter Berger has argued, pluralism tends to lead to a religious
market, in

L Max Weber, he Protestant Ethe and the Spint of Capitalism (Unwin,
London, 1930).

' On Merton's account: Robert K. Merton, Science, echnology ind
Society in Se:enteenth Century England (Harper, London, 1970);
although the matter is much debated. See the papers on this issue
in George Basalla, ed., rhe Rise of Modern Science: Internnl or
External Factors? (D C. Heath & Co., Lexington, Mass, 1968).

S Peter L Berger, 'Secularisation and pluralism', Internationa(
rearbook for the Sociology of Religwn, 2 1966), pp. 73-84. which
supplying organizations may become subject to the same mechanisms
constraining survival as organizations in any other consumer
commodity market. Maintaining the viability of the organization
requires the generation of consumers. The desire by organizational
leaders to expand the market can lead to the tailoring of products
to fit consumer demand. Public-relations and salesmanship may come
to take on a central importance in maintaining the prominence and
acceptability of the religious brand-name. Religious organiza-
tions may experience pressures to rationalize budgeting and
'producion' in order to compete in the market, and bence, may tend
to become increasingly bureaucratized in order to increase
operating efficiency. In order to attract consumers in a mass
market, competing 'products' may tend to beconne only marginally
differentiated, with more or less the same charactenstics but
different labels, to maintain brand loyalty. To minimize the
costs otf free competition, deals may be entered into v ith
compehtors, sometimes leading to a restriction of territory by each
supplier or, more recently, to the familiar market process of
merger, or ecumenicalism.l

In these circumstances, shifts in market demand will tend to be
reRected in the character of the products supplied, to meet
consumer preference. Thus the average consumer today may be less in
need of a cosmology than of a solution to anxiety and other sources
of psychological concern.t Some religious institu. tions have
increasingly seen their role as the provision of these goods,
shifting their attention from the provision of heavenly salvation
to that of psychological reassurance .

The situation of religious pluralism may be seen as a severe blow
to claims of absolute validity for any given church's doctrine,
particularly as it is obliged to modify it in the face of changing
consumer demand. The view of its beliefs as timeless and
irrefutable truths may become increasingly hard to sustain.
Religious belief may tend to lose any self-evident objective
plausibility that could be maintained in a situation of religious
monopoly. Religion in this situation may increasingly move away
from being an objective reality to become a purely personal and
primarily individual reality, and a solely int r experience.3

In this light, it is exident that Scientology emerged as a
religious commodity eminently suited to the contemporary market. It
provided assurance of fundamental ability and competence within
every consumer, and offered to resolve all the major psychological
problems of modern man. It was packaged in a rhetoric of science
which had a widespread popular appeal. Its organization, and the
production of the commodity it purveys were thoroughly rationahzed.
It bid.

This seems to be the implication oE Louis Schnrider and Sanford M.
Dornbusch, 'Inspirational religious literature: from latent to
manifest functions of religion', A 7S, 62 (1957), pp. 476-81; and
idem, Popular Relgion: Inspirationa Boos in America (University of
Chicaso Press, Chicago, 1958).

Peter L Berser, 'Seculanzation and pluralism', op. cit. 4

uuNuuuluNa

developed to a level far in advance of most other contemporary
religious movements and institutions the techniques of salesmanship
and pub]ic relations.

Rather than the traditional church, Scientology has drawn its
organizational model from institutions more appropriate to its
market situation. The mass political party and the mass educational
institution have clearly been important influences on the
organization's development. More important than these, however, is
the institution which has proved most successful in the contem-
porary market economy. Scientology is organized on lines similar to
those of mulh-national enterprises such as the lord Motor Company,
Coca Cola, or International Telephone and Telegraph.l

Scientology represents a logical outcome of the incorporation of
the Protestant Ethic into Western culture. Rationalization of life
in the world has led to the rationalization of the institution
through which salvation is secured. Rational calculation has led to
the provision of salvation as a standardized and differen tiated
commodity avaiLable at a set rate per unit (with discounts for cash
in advance, plus Value Added Tar).

L. Ron Hubbet d: the genzration and institutionaiization of
charisna

Ron Hubbard, after a varied career in the course of which he came
to puzzle over the operation of the mind and the e:Yplanation of
mental phenomena, established himself as a thaumaturge. On the
basis of a set of techniques with which he was the operation of the
mind and the explanation of mental phenomena, established himself
as a thaumaturge. On the basis of a set of techmques with which he
was experimenting, and a half-formulated rationale, he practised as
a magical healer. In Hollywood and Bay Head, NewJeney, he gathered
a smaG clientele. After a period of probably no more than a few
months, Hubbard desired to broadcast his practices to the world,
and steps were taken through the estabGshment of the New Jersey
Foundation to institutionaGze the practice and organize his
cGentele.

Acquaintances of Hubbard recall him, even before Dianetics, as a
man of powerful personality, His early followers commented that 'he
was able to make you feel things that you had never felt before'.
Hubbard was always completely convinced of the validky of what he
was doing. He possessed a sense of absolute certainty of his own
abiGty and the truth of what he said, or at least he was able to
convey such a conviction to others. I have been able to trace no
occasion on which Hubbard ever admitted to making a mistake, or
apologized in any way. He seemed to lack the capacity to doubt, and
in his personality and self-assurance others were able to see the
strengths that they lacked, and thereby found him easier to
believe.

Joseph Nyomarkay notes that

I CharlesJ. MeMillan, 'Corporahons without citizenship: the
emergence of mulhnahonal enterprise in Graeme Salaman and Kenneth
Thompson, eds, Pcrplc and Orarisations (Longman, London, 1973), pp.
zs-44.

Inier iew.

, .. no matter how extraordinary he may be, a person will not
become a charismatic

leader unless his extraordinariness is recognised by omers. The
transformation oE

extraordinariness into charisma depends on the political skills and
magnetism of the

potential charismatic leader and on his conviction of his
historical role I

The Dianetics following accorded Hubbard a superior status as the
founder of the science, but for many he remained only primus inter
pares. While he was generally acknowledged to be the leader of the
movement, this gave him no permanent claim to authority. Others
believed themselves equally competent to develop the movement's
theory and practice and to challenge Hubbard's decisions and
behaviour.

His situation was highly insecure. The revelation which he had made
public was open to subversion by innovators. The movement's
following was fluid and fickle, with only limited commitment to a
healing and self-improvement cult, and even less to its leader. His
status as leader was open to frequent, albeit somewhat tentative,
challenge from local leaders in the field; and his income seemed
likely to decline drashcally with the slump in Dianetics by the
beginning of 195l.

In response to this situation, Hubbard developed as a separate
enterprise Scientology, a new gnosis, which provided a
transcendental legitimahon for his authority. He had penetrated the
realm of the supernatural and there secured knowledge wmch would
restore to men their long lost spiritual abilities. On the basis of
this new doctrine, Hubbard began to organize his following as a
congreknowledge which would restore to men their long lost
spintual abilities. On the basis of this new doctrine, Hubbard
began to orgamze his following as a congregation responsive to
his charismatic authority. He had transformed himself from a
magician, to a mystagogtle.Z

His extraordinary character wai transformed into charismatic
authority by a procesi of subordinating other potential leaders,
and expelling those who refuied to accept hms sole authority.
Through control of the movement's publications he determined what
wai to be represented ai correct doctrine and practice, and hence
secured a virtual monopoly of the means of revelation. In these
publications he skihfully promoted an image of himself as a
superior human being.3 Hubbard's was the only name to figure
prominently in movement publications. Even when he later withdrew
from active perional involvement in the daily operation of the
Orgs, his photograph and other iymbols of his presence continued
to be widely displayed in Scientology buildingi. Members were
enjoined

I Joseph Nyomarkay, Charisma and Factionalism in the Nazi Party
(Univeriity of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1967), p. 1l.

Max Weber, Sociology of cligion (Methuen, London, 1965, pp. 47, 54,
55, 6n

3 One oE the means by which he acmeved thii end wai through writing
eulogistic articles about himself under the name of Tom Esterbrook.
See Helen O'Brien, Diandics in Limbo (Whitmore Publishing Co.,
Philadelphia, 1966), p. 69. (The Scientologists point out to me
that 'Tom Esterbrook' was a 'houie name in the magazine. Anyone in
the understaffed organization with wrihng ahility would write an
article under the house name. Personal Communication, November
1974. U

CONCLUSlUNt

to write to 'Ron' personally with problems they might have, and
students were encouraged to study hard lest one day they meet Ron
and he query them on some aspect of theory or practiceP

The attitude of Hubbard's following towards their leader justifies
the description of him as chansmatic. Scientoogists see Hubbard
as having privileged access to supernatural knowledge of a kind
never before revealed, which rendered established disciplines
such as psychology and philosophy obsolete. Hubbard had located a
means of transcending human limitation and the downward spiral of
man's spiritual nature. Like Buddha, he had made available a route
to Total Freedom.

Indeed recently Hubbard has been presented, in publications for
advanced students, as the Maitreya Buddha supposedly prophecied to
appear by Gautama Buddha.3 The Maitreya would, it is believed by
some Buddhists, appear when corruption and spiritual degeneration
had proceeded apace, at some point in the 5000 years after Gautama
Buddha's translation to I;irvana. The Maitreya would herald a new
spintual and world order, and is the object of millennialist
aspiration among some sectors of Buddhists.3 Hubbard's
identification as the Maitreya may mark his transformation from
mystagogue to exernplary prophet:

an exemplary man who, by his personal example, demonstrates to
others the way to

religious salvation, as in the case of the Buddha. The preaching of
this type of

prophet says nothing about the divine mission or an ethical duty of
obedience, but religious salvation, at in the case of the Buddha.
The preaching of this type of prophet says nomhing about the divine
mission or an ethieal duty of obedience, but rather directs itself
to the sehf-interest of those who erave salvahon, reeommending to
them the iame path as he himself traversed.'

Weber's distinction between the mystagogue and the exemplary
prophet is largely a matter of degree. The mystagogue does not
proclaim an ethical doctrine, distributes primarily magical
salvation, and normally makes a living from his practice. Over the
past decade or so, Hubbard has insisted that he derives little or
no income from Scientology. The movement has adopted a much more
self-consciously religious character, and laid increasing stress
upon its ethical content, marking itself off from the degeneration
and corruption of the surrounding world. Moreover, it has
correspondingly stressed the character of Scientology as a
philosohy of ife rather than merely a set of techniques for thera-
peutic or self-improvement purposes. In this context, Hubbard may
now appropriately be seen as an exemplary prophet.

' Notices to this effect were displayed in the Org classrooms.

Advance! issue 26 ('Sovember tg74); issue a7 (December tg74). I am
grateful to Mr Beau Kitselman forbringing these to my attention.

S Winston L. King, A ·rhousand Liues Away rBruno Cassirer, Oxford,
tg64); Melford E. Spiro, Buddhism and Society: Groat rradition and
its Burmese Vicissiludes (Allen & Unwin, t 9 71 ) . ' Max Weber,
'The 7rophet', in his rht Sociology of Religion (Methuen, London,
66), p. 55. Sed al ianizaion

The Dianeties movement contained within it the possibility of
development in a number of direetions. There were those among its
following who sought to develop the theory and practiee as a
science. they wished to subject it to rigorous empirical test under
controlled conditions, and to refine its theory and practice on the
basis of such publie proeedures. There were those among its
following who saw Dianeties as an 'added blessing', one further
methodology and set of teehniques by which salvation eould be
seeured. They wished to select from its beliefs and practiee those
whieh they regarded as suitable to eombine with the corpus of
'truth' already possessed; or to advanee new theones and
teehniques, developing the foundations Hubbard had laid. There
were, finally, those who saw salvation as available only through
Hubbard's relevation, which constituted an e:cclusive path. They
wished to preserve the beliefs and practices from dilution and
eontamination, permitting only those additions and modifications
whieh Hubbard sponsored or invented.

Dianetics eould eoneeivably bave developed into a scienee, or at
least z 'respeetable' therapeube praetiee, as have psyehoanalysis
or gestalt psychology It could have persisted as a diffuse cultic
movement .-ith many organizations, leaders, and variations on a
eentral eore of shared belief and practice, as has New Thought. Ron
Hubbard its founder, however, was among those who viewed the
movement in sectarian terms. To secure his own position as a
mystagogue, Hubbard broke with the leaders who defined the movement
ir more 'cultic' or 'scientific' terms.

On the bazis of his new gnosis he centralized authority within the
movement distinguished its doctrine and practice from competing
belief systems, and sough through the erection of an increasingly
elaborate hierarchy of sanctification, to mobilize greater
commitment and involvement on the part of his following. The
earlier individualism of the movement now became something to
denigrate:

Obsessive individualism and a failure to organise were responsible
for our getting into the state we got into I

The radical shift towards a more sectarian stance did not occur,
however, until the movement was threatened internally by schism and
defection, and externally by hostility from press and state.
Defections by senior executives and the potential for schism led
Hubbard to institute tighter social control measures. The boundary
between the movement and the world became less ftuid. Less
tolerance was shown toward nonconformity by members. Greater
bureaucratization was implemented to increase control over
operations. As criticism was voiced and sanctions introduced
against the movement by outside agencies, the movement became
increasingly hostile to the surrounding society, its organization
became tighter, and expulsions became more frequent.

l L. Ron Hubbard, CO Polry Lttrr, 17 January 1 967. Be(lefs
enlprectices

The belief-system of the movement developed from a lay
psychotherapeutic system to a religious doctnne. Although this
transformation may also have secured other ends such as
legitimating Hubbard's authority, it can be seen as primarily an
attempt to rationalize the movement's beliefs.

Dianetics provided a secular solution to the problem of theodicy.
Suffering, guilt, inadequacy, disability, lack of success, the
apparent arbitrariness of the distribution of favour and fortune,
were accounted for in terms of the tone-scale and the theory of
engrams. Whatever its practical success in alleviating these
conditions, it failed in this more ultimate enterprise. Learning
that the individual's abilities were the consequence of engramic
trauma failed to resolve the issue of why a prticular individual
suffered the trauma and hence the disabilihes. Scientology offered
a solution to this problem through a metaphysics of the thetan and
transmigration. The thetan had become bored with his omniscience,
permitted lin itations upon his abilities, and allowed himself to
become increasingly the effect rather than the cause of the
environment which he had created. Thus ultimately the thetan was
responsible for everything that happened subsequendy. hlore
directly, the disabilities suffered in this life were a consequence
of things he had done in previous lives. Hence the problem oi
theodicy was resolved by a quasi-karmic theorv ot sin and
retribution.

The belief-system and practices of the movement developed in part
as a resuh of empincal phenomena: the 'past life' material produced
by pre-clears in

The belief-system and practices of the movement devdoped in part as
a result of empirical phenomena: the 'past life' material produced
by pre-clears in Dianetic sessions, and the failure of the
techniques (directed to engrams sustained in this life) to clear
all the cases attempted. However, these only further heightened the
problem of meaning which rationalization aimed to resolve. The
explanation of such phenomena was sought in more ultimate reamls.
The problem of theodicy was shifted back, even if no final or
complete solution to it could be provided.

The practice of Scientology was also rationalized. The E-meter
represented a substantial development away from subjective and
intuitive rnethods of auditing. A calculated and measurable score
indicated in an objective way marked the progress and success of
auditing. From a skilled technique requiring diffuse professional
abilities, auditing became a semi-skilled occupabon, which
effectively anyone could learn. Training was rationalized on the
basis of an established, standardized body of knowledge available
entirely on an impersonal basis through Hubbard's writings.

'rhe orgenizekon of Scitology

As we arguec; earlier, Scientology has more in common
organizationally with mass political parties, institutions of mass
education, or multinational corporations, than with traditional
churches. Its follouers are draun into no collective comrnunion but
rather into an atomized mass, differentiated only by their level of
attainment in the theory :md practice of the gnosis. With few
institutionalized links among the members, communication and
authority flow downwards from the leaders to the member who faces
the authority-structure of the movement as an isolated
individual. The only collective means of infiuencing the
decision-making process is that in which the members 'vote with
their feet' through defection or apathy.

The movement's earlier patrimonial administration exercised by a
band of functionary-disciples has gradually been supplanted by an
imposing bureaucratic machine. Autonomous and independent sources
of authority or organization outside the bureaucracy have been
progressively eliminated, or brought under its direct
administration. Professional practitioners have been reduced to
organizational functionaries. Members are increasingly brought
under organizational control as leaders seek to mobilize their
resources for organizational ends.

Beyond the junsdiction of the bureaucracy and possessing superior
authority, exists an elite corps, the Sea Org, which acts as the
direct executive arm of the charismatic leader of the movement. The
Sea Org provides an international executive force insulated from
local commitments, and mobilizable to secure conformity from the
bureaucratic administration and to prevent it acquiring any
independent authority to challenge Hubbard's own. Scienoogl and
sociey

Scientoloy and society

Emerging in America as a therapeutic movement, Dianetics was the
object of hostility from the established healing professions The
movement and its leader were criticized and ridiculed in the press
and subjected to legal action instigated by medical agencies. In
the light of his developing theory these attacks upon Hubbard and
his science could only be interpreted as a consequence of the fact
that the critics had 'something to hide'.

With the submergence of Dianetics and the disappearance of the mass
following, Hubbard and his movement rarely came to the attention of
state and medical agencies. The gradual growth of Scientology
during the late 1 95os and early 19605 brought it once again under
surveillance. The severe actions taken by these agencies in the
form of the FDA raid, the virulence of the Anderson Report, and the
Brihsh Home Office ban on foreign students, convinced Hubbard
that Scientology had become the victim of an immense conspiracy
aimed at its extermination. Behind every hostile act seemed to lurk
the figure of a psychiatrist or a Mental Health Association, all
connected in more or less imysterious' ways with the World
Federation for Mental Health. This conspiracy became linked in
Hubbard's mind with that of many another populist Amencan, the
international Communist conspiracy

Determined to fight what had become systematized in his mind as a
concerted 254

CONCLIJSIONS campaign to crush Scientology, Hubbard and other
leaders of the movement sought to defend it against the onslaught,
and even to counterattack. In the belief that the tactics of their
opponents were immorai and that the end was so vital as to justify
the means employed, Scientologists may at times have felt called
upon to defend the movement by tactics that may have seemed extreme
to outsiders.

The deviance amplification model suggests that when relatively
unsvstematic and transient deviant behaviour becomes the object of
moral crusading and severe stigmatization, one possible outcome is
that those so shgmatized experience a sense of outrage and
injustice which alienates them from ccnventional norms and from the
agents of the conventional order, and leads to the elaboration of
new norms in defence against attack. The nevv norms and the
behaviour to which they give rise are seen by the moral crusaders
as further evidence of deviance and jushfication of their initial
diagnosis. Such a process appears to characterize the development
of Scientology in its relations with the wider society in the
19605.

Particularly since The mid-rg60s, however, the movement has begun
to present itself in a different light. It has officially dropped a
number of its practices which were subject to public criticism. It
has become more actively involved in programrnes and campaigns for
social reform. These reform campaigns have been initiated in such
areas as drug rehabilitation, the human rights of mental patients,
educational programmes for school and college dropouts and,
latterly, campaigns against abuses of their powers by the police
and other state agencies.

At the same time, there are beginning to appear signs that
Scientology is corring to be recognized as a legitimate and valid
religious collectivity. It has been accorded a measure of
recognition in Australia through legal authorization as a body
perrnitted to solemnize marriages. Those states wmch have passed
ducriminatory legislation against the practice of Scientology have
revised, or are in the process of revisin6 this legislahon, and
various legal decisions have accepted the movement's claim to
religious status Hostile press reports on Scientology are now rare.

In terms of the typology outlined in Chapter 1, this may signify a
transition oi Scientology from a collectivity regarded by members
of society at large as 'deviant' to one regarded as 'respectable'.
Christian Science perhaps acquired its respectable status as a
consequence of its church structure and religious practice, rather
than as a result of any acceptance of its therapeutic system.l
Scientology has, similarly, increasingly stressed its religious
character and subdued its claims to therapeuhc efficacy. It may
therefore come, in time, to be accorded the same sort of status as
is accorded Christian Science today.

There are also signs that Scientology is adopbng a more tolerant
attitude toward other belief-systems. The movement's criticisms of
psychiatry have los

I I am indebted to Dr Bryan Wilson for this point. some of their
earlier virulence in their more recent publications. The compati-
bility of belief in Scientology and continued membership in other
religious denominations has been much publicized in movement
literature. From some future perspective it may appear that
Scientology is undergoing a clear process of denominationalization.
From the perspective of the present time, however, it is impossible
to be certain if what we are viewing is a genuine process of
accommodation with the surrounding society and competing systems
of belief, or whether it is merely a public-relations facade, an
exercise in impression-management1 designed to convey that image,
while masking persistent sectarian aims. The question that remains,
perhaps to be determined by research at some future time, is
whether Scientolog5 is in fact undergoing a process of
denominationalization or whether it is undergoing a process of
'pseudo-denominationalization', in which it is merely presened as
denorrinational in character in order to defend the movement
against further attack, to mobilize support, and to retain an
appeal to a mass c]ientele ·vluch might otherwise seek salvation
from less con troversial sources.l

I Similarly, whether Scientology is undergoing instiutionalization
in the serse employed by Hans Toch, is also an interesting
question to which only time can provide the answer, that is: 'a
process...characterized by the tedency to relegate ideology more
and more to a position of a means to ends. Whenever a belief
becomes an impediment to publie acceptance, it ii modified or
abandoned. Changes in belief may even represent anticipations of
future inconvenience for the adapting movement.' HansToch,
IheSocialPscholoyofSocialMovemens(Methuen,lg7l),p.2l5.

RON HOWESI

The follov-ing is addressed eO all optimum and prc-optimum humans:
the primary stcp in the procluction of an optimum rtcc is the
invelltion of a highcr tone reality. To bc opthtlum this rcality
must llave sclf-correctic macllincrv dctcrmin-cl by firm dynamic
goals. I hc inventor of a suic.lblc rcality is folcccl bv the r:lcc
lilc-cause and assisted by race-intclligence to commlmicate the
invention I he second stcp tovald optimum-racc-purpOsc is the
acccptancc of hc incntion bv units of the race ithin a given
race cach urit posscsses basic endowmcnts. From unit to unit these
endovr.lents rcmain similar. rach unit acceptance of the inventinll
implirs ncarly complctc caf abililies ncccssary to full ue of the
invention. L hc hird stcp for optimum-race-production is the fom
aion of truc group.

truc group is an assemblage of units ·vhosc eff(,rls arc
coordinated align. ci for the basic goals of the invt ntio trlle
group is f rmlccl by unit, of the rac(

foul-tl stcl is cst.ll)lisllll)C >1 t C(

 .lti

rr s 1111.

The third step for optimum-race-production is the formation of true
groups. A true group is an assemblage of units whose efforts are
coordinated alignec for the basic goals of the invention. A true
group is formed by units of the race The fourth step is
establishment of true eommunication among all groups an units of
the race.

Racc dynamics insure the integrated results of all steps. To aid in
the progress necessary for application of the above principles
certain mechanical features may be brought into use. Since the
second month, tenth day, of this year, here has been in e.dstence a
Geld of psycho-nechanical structure. This ficld is directional and
can be beamed through an area three housand miles in r.ldh-s. The
source of this lield will stand unlillovn The lielc produees the
folloving: n AmpliGeations of eausative faetors in the raee. .
Temporary enrichment of mind-reality applied to desire and nced.

3. Commmication enhancemcnt among units of the race. The t.bove has
bccn writtcn in basic Amcrican. As of the fourth month. first day,
this rleld ill c:;tend to maYimllm radius and confimlc tlrough the
third day.

l Gordon Bcckstead, ed., Prtlogue o SurDiunl. Part I (Psychological
F;csetlrcl

Following this test signal, the writer v ill be appreciative if
persons interested communicate subjective and objective data to the
address given. In so far as possible, use the principle of minimum
effort in reports. Some data has been gathered concerning items of
e::treme interest to optimum persons. If the optimum person wishes,
this data will be communicated. The optimum person can request the
data. The method of request is avaiblble to these persons.

ditor's Jote: Postmark date of the above, March 5. A field test
occurred March first through third. Data are requested for
observations !positive, null, or negative) during this period.
Ron assured me by telephone that the machine producing the field,
rhough crude at this time, e:cists. A large number of reportfor
both March and Apnl should enable him to make allowances for the
inlluence of suggestion. Send reports to Ron Howes, 3020 Rawleigh
Ave., Apt. 102, St. Louis Park, Minntapolis 6, 'vlinn. A. He failed
to handle or disconnect from his wife as ordered by Natalie Fisher
on May 5, 1965. By his own testimony, 'The more I gain, the more
she natters,' his wife is Suppressive to him; three weeks elapsed
from the time of the order from Natahe until his next interview
with Ethies, which might have been construed as rescinding
Natalie's order. B. He has repeatedly done the Crime of heckling
Scientology instructor or lecturer. For example: 1. Donna Fisk,
Night Theory Instructor, was discussing questions on the
cancellation of Student Rules and Regulations with the class; in
particular, a question concerning the use of alcoholic beverages.
Ralph introduced the question as to whether tobacco was more
harmful than other drugs and alcohol; Donna replied she had never
seen deleterious technical effects of it, but had seen these on
alcohol; Ralph pressed the question, she replied she did not know:
he pressed it further, and required finally a statement that that
was all on that point before he would stop. 2. Pem Wall was
explaining to class the no-eheekout system in Theory. Ralph
questioned the reason for this. Pem said he eould not give Ron's
reasons, any he could give would be his own. Ralph pressed for
these, Pem said one would be to make the student take
responsibility for learning the material, himself, rather than
leaving it to an instructor to determine. Ralph remarked that, then
the next logical step would be for students to not come in at all.
as a khldness o a Suppressive Person to declale him as such Ralpl-
remarked, sarcastically, that there was sucll a thing as killing a
pcrsor witll kindncss Wayne Rol]rcr was introclucing the policy of
the rrcc Scientology Center to the class Ralph objccted to this,
causillg student Marie Page to cringc, and Bill Gibbons to attempt
to counter the objcctions Ralph stated that he could not attend the
l;SC, Waync acknowledged, Ralph said he nceded more than an
acknowledgement, Wanc said, then hc would send Ralph to Ethics 5
Wayne Rohrer was discussing policv on Suppressive Persons wih thu
class, Rdlpll prcscnted a series of far-fctched circun stances such
dS, wha[ it the phone conpany werc declared supprcssive, which
Waync explained; finally, Wayne said that Ralph could keep mocking
these up and he, Vayne, handling them, but it was no going to get
them anywhcre, Ralph pcrsistrd still further, Waylle finall
tdismissed hilrl witll an 'example' of, uhat if one wcrc trapped in
an elevator witll a Suppressive Pcrson (the above are given as
specific examples, not to hc construed as the totality of
repehtions of this Crime; many morc exist )

11 'I'h.lt, I]ctore the lbel 'Suppressive Person' is removed,
Rall)h must also disconthlue his project of correspondence witll
and concerning the rDA, th AIA; since these groups are Supprcssive
and his continued communicatio with them ould mac him immediatclv a
Potcmlal Troublc Source aml hcn contimled, agaill a Sapprcssic
Person 1

l

_

I r

Lr

_ ,

r APPENDIX III. EXECUTIVE

DIRECTIVE ROM L. RON

HUBBARD

LRH LD 5 i li-'l'

Date 9 l'ovember 1968

'rc 11iar

You may not rcalize it staff membcr but there is only onc small
group that has hammered Dianctics and Scientology for 1 8 years.

y

 yOU tlave rcceived for all your time in Scientology werc generated
by this onc group.

For cightecn years it has poured lies and slander into the press
and government agencies,

Last year we isolated a dozen men at the top. This year we found
the organisation these used and all its connections over the
world.

they are as red as paint. their former president wts a
car:l-carrhlg Communist and they have four on their Board of
Directors, yet they reach into International Finance, Health
Ministries, Schools, the press. They even control immigration in
many lands.

Psychiatry and 'Mental Health' was chosen as a vehicle to undermine
and destroy the West ! And we stood in their way.

They knew we had the answers. We were over S2,000,000 dangerous to
them. That's about what they've spent to try to get rid of us.

Well, today, the World Federation of Mental Health (which pretends
to be part of the United ations and isn't) and their 'ational'
ivlental Health organisations (which pretend to be part of each
national government and aren't) in every western nation have been
spotted by us and proven to bc the ones rcsponsible.

Ita platoon of :Russian soldiers landed in your country and
started shooting down peopLe, the military or the citizens would
wipe them out.

But if several regiments landed in small groups, with phoney
passports, dressed in dark business suits, cach one vouched for as
a professional doctor by the 'best people', they could (and do)
select out everyone they wish to kill, ge him behind closed doors
in an institution and de-personalise or kill him.

They have infiltrated boards of education, the al med services,
even the churches .

they hold the wives or daughters of a great many politicians and
keep them 'under treatment'.

They appoint Ministers of Health by pretending they are already
part of the goernment .

They collect millions.

Their 'technology' is the same as that used by Intclligence
Services. E.lectric shock. Brain operations. These were used in
Lubenka Prison in Russia but are not allowed on Russians !

Any vay, this was the live wire we got across by bcing abie lo undo
lheir cJccl on e Wesl.

None of this is fiction. There are too many dead men around for
that

We have the goods on them and right this minute more art is being
rolled up by us from more quarters than they could predict.

We've made a beach hcad. We are slamming in closer.

You aren't standing alone. There is more ammunition being f ung at
them right rhis minute than they could ever duck.

They made a few gains. They could even make one or two more.

But they made a bad misake. They attacked us. And we v-eren't even
in th same line of country.

For eighteen years we have had constant sniping at us over the
world. They did it.

We've got to fight tais one on through and we will.

Think of what it would be like to have no such oppositionl ! ! !
ly, how we would expand. And will.

You just carry on your job v ell, do it very well. Keep the show on
the road. Get the stats up.

A lot of good guys .mongst us are taking care of them. We are using
only Icgal means over the world. We don't stoop to murder and rough
house. But man, the effectiveness of our means will become history.

It is a tough war. All wars arc tough. It isn't over

But if the enemy knew all that was heading in his direction this
minute from how many quarters he'd faint.

Let him lah-de-dah with the socialites and 'best people' a little
longcr. Let him pose as part of the government yet a litt!c while.
And then he's had it.

Our crror was in f iling to take over total control of all mental
healing in the West. Well, we'll do that too.

You necr did undcrstand his reatments? Well so the psychiatrist
aets like c Russian storm trooper alter all.

L. RON HUBBrRD APPENDIX IV. ON ROY WALLIS' STUDY

J. L. Simmons Ph.DP

Roy Wallis has written some interesting passages and he has
expounded some knarly conceptual schemes. Unfortunately, his study
has little to do with Dianetics and Scientology, his subject
matter.

Wallis might have done a lot of things. An objective study of
Scientology as a social movement in our time v ould have been
interesting. A no-nonsense statistical analysis of psychological
and intelligence test scores before and artcr Scientology
experiences, ·vith a carefully matched control group who had no
contact with Scientology would have been quite informative. An
analysis of the growth of Scientology as a world-wide organization
·vould have yielded invaluable 'challenge and response' data to
tl-e social scientist. A 'Sociology of Religion' study of
Scientolog night have proved enlightening to both author and
reader. An anthropological field study of ho-v pcople get into
Scientology and hov it then affects their lives and their
environment might have had all the exciement of a vIargaret Mead
book on exotic civilizations. Wallis has regretthl; done none of
tllese tlings I

ArAh exciement of a Margaret Mead book on exotic civilizations.
Wallis has regrettably done none of these things.

Whathas hedone?Hehasproducedapieceofworkthatwouldprobablyfetch him
a critical mark in any traditional university Research Methods
class. When I taught Research Methods and Statistics classes at the
l'niversity of Illinois I demanded - and got - better, less biased
work from my undergraduate students

Since Wallis has credentials I can only assume that his violations
of the scientific method are indicative of either a decline in
scholastic method or are deliberate and malicious.

I will document specific vio]ations and biases a bit later but
first I would like to speculate on why they might have occurred.
The answer might lie in the sociological concept of 'culture lag',
which is the almost inevitable hme lag between the development of
an invention, a new idea, a new viewpoint, and its general
acceptance by the surrounding society. This period is almost always
accompanied by resistance, harassment, and debunking of the new by
Authorities. Often as not, violence is perpetrated upon the heads
of the originators and their early followers. Virtually every new
development in the history of the

' Formerly, Department of Sociology freulty, University Of Illinois
and University of California, Srnta sarbara. world has had to
surive (if it did indeed survive) in the teeth of such a culture
lag.

Dianetics and Scientology teclmology contain more than enough
discoveries to have set the culture-lag mechanism in motion. :s one
small ecample, the press widely ridiculed L. Ion Hubbard's
breakthrough plant researches where he demonstrated with full
scientific rigor that plants are directlv affected by the emotional
outflows of the people in their vicinity. A dozen years later the
samc press eceitedly told tl e · orld about the new discoveries
that plants are affectccl by the emotions of the pcoplc around
them, witll no mention of Hubbard's earlier work.

Now social scientists themselves sometimes fall prey to culture-lag
mechanisms so that they end up dramatizing this phenomenon rather
than studying it. It is only my speculation, but I suspect this to
be the case with Wallis. It is my impression from his descriyfion
that hc found the Scientology Communications Course he had enrolled
in, filled with ideas and concepts that were new and different
enough to jar his preconceived worldview..nd so a 'culturc lag' was
created on the spot. My supposition ould c:cplain why Vallis sought
so diligently for ulterior motives in the movement and why he
listened so cagerly (and almost e?clusively) to Scientology
dropouts. Some such mechanism must hi Vt occurred - I cannot
believe that Roy Wallis is simply dishonest.

Wallis has every right to reject Scientology personally, and
indeed Scientologists themselves would defend his right to do so.
But does he have the right disguise his opinions and feelings as an
honest sociological inquiry? Let's go specifics.

Wallis' failings are both theoretical and empirical. At the level
of thet. Wallis simply plays gtmes with words and their meanings.
As one major examplt his use of the concept 'totalitarian' bends
and twists through the pages of hi manuscript to the point where
virtually any leadership and any movement tha is not utterly
anarchistic would fit his conceptualization of totalitarian. As
read the theory sections, 'totalitarianism' and 'organization'
become, for Walli tautological (circular) and synonymous. The word
fails to differentiate cate gories and so becomes meaningless. In
personal correspondence with Church of Scientology officials(lt
November Ig74j, Wallis rites 'Totalitarianism ca mcan wllatecr I
choose to make it mcan...' And pi, mcans pot and sixpenr is a
crown.

At the level of Wdlis' actual empirical research, we find sampling
crrors s blatant that rhe entirc book is suspect from then on m the
conclusions. To put oversimply, 'sampling' is the precise
technology of selecting and cxamining representatiue small nurnber
oritems from a large 'population' of itcms in order cstimate the
character of the largc population. A biased sample gives one a fah
picturc for example, a study of US Presidcnts based only on
rCSCarCtling tl ones wllo wcrc impcached. Ill of lI'alks' sa1nles
all trosslv biturl.

In his sampling of respondents, Wallis focuses throughout his study
almc exclusively on people who had left the movement for one reason
or another. As a specific example, Wallis deals extensively with
six dissident Clears but does not take up an offer to interview a
sampling of over four thousand Clears whc have not become
dissident. Convenient for his theories perhaps but not intellecJ
tually honest. It is an endeavour very like studying the modern
University by

speaking only to school dropouts.

Another instance which reveals sampling bias on Wallis' part. From
twentyfive years of written books, policy, and technical
bulletins, Wallis has chosen a 'sample' of only a few statements,
out of context, to support his theories. Again this would fetch a
failing mark in any elementary statistics course. Content analysis
of a random sampling of, say, a thousand statements written by
Hubbard would have been legihmate and would have yielded a quite
different picture.

And in the area of documents Wallis' sampling errors become grave.
Wallis' account is conspicuous for all the data left t. There are
on file housands upon thousands of statements of people who have
improved their lives through Scientology, test scores of rised I.Q.
and personality improvement, X-ray verified medical recoveries,
validahons of the effectiveness of Scientology technology by
prison wardens, educators, and government officials, sworn state-
ments of remorse and retraction by hostile witnesses, Hubbard's
Honors from the Explorers Club, the Key to the City of Long Beach,
etc., etc. Where are the lengthy quotes from these documents? The
fact that Narconon has a the lengthy quotes from these documents ?
The fact that Narconon has a phenomenal success rate with hard-core
drug-users (verified in Arizona State Prison), should be splashed
on the front dust jacket of the book, not buried in a footnote .

The above are heavy methodological points against Wallis. But the
most telling criticism of his work is to what extent does it have
any real correspondence with Scientology as it is actually
practised and as it actually developed?

Wallis paints a bleak picture indeed of the Scientology
organizational network and of daily life within it. So bleak is
this picture that if it were actually the situation only a devout
masochist could endure it. If this were the situation I certainly
would not be involved, nor would many of my friends.

The further one goes into the manuscnpt the more sweeping become
the inaccuracies and distortions of fact of the development,
practice and training of Dianetics and Scientology in order to
conform with Wallis' preconceived model. For example, I have spoken
at length with many early Dianeticists, including some that are not
active in Scientology and some that have actively broken with
Hubbard. their stories are quite different from the Wallis account.
Even the most outspoken apostates have not described Hubbard (whom
they knew personally) as a manipulator or a dark-motived man. The
comrnon portrait which emerges, then and now, is of a man who has
been trying for twenty-five years to giue away any control he has
so that he can devote himself to further research and writing. And
one of the commonest complaints among the Scientology dissidents is
that Hubbard left the running of affairs in the hands of others.

Another instance. We are told (page 12 ) 'Aspects of the theory and
practice most closely linking the belief system to the cultic
milieu were abandoned. Dianetic "reverie" with its clear links to
hypnosis and the concern with the trauma of early childhood and
birth, with clear links to psychoanalysis and its developments,
were abandoned ' A sound backing to the Wallis theory if Lrue But
what if not true? Wallis points out earlier that Dianetics
llfoletn Science of ilfental Health embodied these ideas and was
the basis for the 'cultic movement'. Has it been abandoned The
United States sales figures for the month of November 1974,
according to Publications Organization shipping invoices for
Scientology books, run as follows. First, Dianetics vfodt7n Science
of .Uental Health, eight thousand eighL hundred and thirteen
copies. Next best seller, Evolution of a Science, eight hundred and
ninety copies DfSlfHis still far and away the best selling
Scientology book and is a required basic text for all professional
auditors. And it is the book most often sold to new people.

To speak to each of Wallis' contentions and misdirections would
require a book the length of his own. In his portrayal of field
auditors, professional training the Sea Org, the aims of
Scientology, the credentials and personal life of L. Ron Hubbard,
the social reform actiities of the Church, its legal history, and
the reasons people are in Scientology instead of real estate (or
sociology), Wallis isimply wrong. I am reminded of Bob Dylan's
'Ballad of a Thin Man', about a man who knov.s something is
happening here, but he does not know what it is. (For a quite
different account, also written by a non-Scientologist, see Omar V.
Garrison's Hidden Stoy of Scientoloy, Arlington Books, London,
1974.)

Wallis' fundamental weakmess is that he converts his theories into
fact by seeking only data which support ehem. This is true in his
interpretation of the socialization process of Scientology's
membership, in his concephon of the Sea Org as a para-military
organizahon, in imputing Machiavellian motives to L. Ron Hubbard
and other Scientology leaders. Again and again and again he
selectively ignores the genuine results of Scientology, admitted
even by a great many of the dissidents he quotes. The Australian
and South African inquiry reports and transcripts, for instance,
are filled with statements of witnesses who had received great
personal benefit from Scientology. But, again, where are these
statements in Wallis' book?

Wallis does not believe that there is such a thing as a genuine
result. It is all 'coaching' and 'indoctnnation' Perhaps Wallis
believes an engineer produces a bridge by 'indoctrinating' the
motorists that it is there.

Wallis does not grant any moral sensibility to the Scientology
leadership whatsoever. Nor does he believe that they believe they
can and do produce genuine results. He ignores the Guarantee of
Refund if not fully satisfied (displayed in every Sciertology
organizahon). This guarantee of refund is more than any other
profession offers either in the therapeutic or religious fields. A
doc-or ON ROY WALLIS

STUDY

269

does not return 1is fees when he fails to cure a patient, a lawyer
does not return his fees when he loses a case, a psychiatrist does
not return his fees when he has made a nervous individual into a
drug addict. And a sociologist does not return his gTant when he
fails to produce a work dealing with social facts.

I am sorry, I cannot take Wallis' work senously. I have had seven
years of intensive experiences in Sciento]ogy. And I came into
Scientology as a practising, and widely published, sociologist.
What I have found within the movement is a wealth of valid data, a
battery of technology which works, hundreds of new friends, a
return of a bovish lightheartedness hat I had feared lost forever,
and almost more adventure than I can handle.

It has not always been a pnmrose path. Scientology is not perfect
and has never claimed to be. I personally made a baker's dozen
mistakes last week that I already know of But I have personally
seen hundreds upon hundreds of beings move from death toward life.
L. Ron Hubbard is not infallible nor has he ever claimed to be. In
the 4itns of Scienolo he writes 'We may err, for we build a world
with broken straws'.

But we o build. There is a Bridge to Freedom. I know because I have
walked it. One can stand on the underside and complain about the
paint job or the fact that there is no hot-dog stand yet, as Wallis
does. Or one can walk over to the other side and try the view.

It would be true to say that there are areas of social problems
wherein Scientology is, or bas the potenhal of being, indispensable
as a solution.

At this point the reader is probably in doubt about both Wallis and
Scientology. I would invite you to do your own investigation. Get
a copy of Dianetics Modern Science of Mental lealth and read it
along with this book. See for yourself which is more alive and
hopeful and saentihcally obectiDe. And decide on the basis of your
own companson whether you wish to favor the Wallises of the world
or the Scientologists, or to remain in doubt for now and wait for
the historical dust to settle.

And as a final note, Wallis' thesis and my rebuttal are both a bit
irrelevant. History will decide for both of us and indeed, I
suspect, already is. The behavioural sciences and universities in
general are being more and more abandoned by a whole generadon,
while Scientology, according to the Encyclopedia Britannica
earbook, is 'the largest of the new religions'.

LIoGRApHy

(Only the more important titles are listed hert. For other works,
see the footrotes in the text.)

r, 'Oficial' literature ANONYMOUS. Ceemonies of the Founding
Church of Scientology. Department of

Publieations World Wide, East Grinstead, 1967. ANONYMOUS. The
Findings on the US. Food and Drug Agency. Departrnent of

Publieations World Wide, East Grinstead, Sussex, 1968. ANONYMOUS.
rVhateuer Happened to Adelaide?. [Church of Scientology, East

Grinstead, Sussex], 1973. HoRIrR, J. r..4 JYew Understanding of
Life. HCO, Auckland, New Zealnd,

961 . HUBBARD,L.RON. A History of hlan. HASI, London, n.d.
(originally htled

rvhat tO Audit).

Electropsychometric Auditing Operatar's .ilanual. HASI, London,
n.d.

Advanced Procedure and Axioms. Central Press, Wiehita, Kansas,
195l.

Dianetics: the Original Thesis. HDRF, Wichita, Kansas, 1951.

Science of Survival. Hubbard Dianetic Foundahon Ine, Wiehita,
Kansas, 1 95n

Scientolog? 8 80. The Distribution Center, Silver Springs,
Maryland, 1952.

How to Live Ihough an Fxecutive Department of Publications World
ide,

EastGrinstead, 1953. Scientology 8 8a. The Distribution Center,
Silver Springs, Maryland, ig52. How to Live Thaugh an Executive.
Departrnent of Publications World Wide, East Grinstead, 1953. The
Creation of luman Ability. Scientology Publications, London, 1 955.
E-Meter Essemtiak rg6r. HCO, East Grinstead, 1 961 . otes on the
Lecures of L. Ron Hubbard, Edited by the staff of the California
Foundation. HCO Ltd, East Grinstead, Sussex, 1962. Scientology: a
:hew Slant on Life. The Atnerican Saint Hill Organisation, Los
Angeles, California, 1965. Scientvlvgy b' 8ao8. Hubbard College of
Scientology, East Grinstead, Sussex

1967.

Dianetia 55!. Department of Publications World Wide, East
Grinstead, 1 968 Dianetics: the Evalution vf a Sciena. Publications
Organisation, World Wide 1 968. Dianetics: the lodern Science of
lenta ealth. Hubbard College of Scientology East Grinstead, 1968.
HaDe rvu Lived Befvre This Life? Department of Publicahons World
Wide East Grinstead, 1968. I he Fundamentals of rhought.
Publications Organisation World U'ide, Edinburgh, 1968.
Introduction to ScienDlogy Ethics. Scientology Publications
Organisation, Copenhagen, 1970. Ihe Book Introducing the E-ilreter.
Publications Organisation World Wide, Edinburgh, 1968.  he
Organization ExecutiDe Course. Scientology Publications
Organisation, Copenhagen, 1970 (8 volumes).

HuBBARDJR,L.RON,HALPERNJGEORGE RICHARD and HALPERN,JAN (compilers).
ACC Preparatory llanual for Advanced Students in Samtology. The
Academy of Scientology tWashington D.C.] 1957. HUBBARD, MARY SUE
(compiler). rhe Book of E-'vfeter Dnlls. Hubbard College of
Scientology, East Grinstead, 1967. MINSHULL,RUTH How to Choose our
People. Scientology Ann Arbor, Iichigan, 1 966.
.'vliraclesforBreakfast. ScientologyAnnArbor, 1ichigan, 1968.
SILCOX,VIC roR and .lAYNARD,LrN. Creative i earning: a
Scientological Experiment in Schools. Scientology Publications,
London, 195s.

Periodicals

Ability llIajor

A6ility MinDr

Aduance 

Celebnty .;1lagazine

Certainty

Celebrity 1fagazine

Certainty

Change

Clear Jrews

Dianetic Auditor's Bulletin

Freedom Group Jerusletter j'ournal of Sciemtolagy Prafessional
Auditor's Bulletin rhe Auditor rhe Dianamic 'rhe Jew CiuilizahDn 2.
·ndependent, heretical and schismatic literature

BECKSTEAD,GORDON. PrDlogue tD Suruiual (Parts I, II and III).
Psychological

Research Foundation, Phoenix, Arizona, 1952. BERNER,H.CHARLES and
WILLIAIS,RICHARD. Abilitism: a iVew Reltgwn.

Adams Press, Chicago, l970. HORNER,JACK. 7ack HDrner Speaks,
Transcription of a lecture at the New York

Dianetic Association, November 1952. The Eidetic Foundation,
Alabama,

Dwnology: a Better Bridge to PersDnal Creatiue FreedDm. The
Association of International Dianologists, California, 1970.
Eductivism and ou. The Personal Creative Freedoms Foundation,
Westwood, California, I971.

M C P H E E T E R S, W 0 O D W A R D R ., trans . Scientologie
I934. Causation Press

Lucerne Valley, California, 1968.

SULLIVAN, FRANK S. Adventures in Reincarnation. CSA Press, Clayton,
Georgia, I97I. TOOLEY, MARCUS. People Are Human. Graham Ltd,
Auckland, New Zealand,

I 955 -

WINTER, JOSEPH A. A Doctor's Report on Dianetics. heory and herapy.
Julian

Press, New York, I95I.

Periodicals

Auditor and Philosopher

Bristol Dianetic Reuiew

CADA Bulletin California Association of Dianetic Auditor's ournal
Dianetics oday Dianotes Dunbar's ARC icentre Internationel Dianetic
Society Letter Introductory Bulletin of the Central Pennsylvania
Dianetic Group Life Preserver he A6erree he Arc I ight he
Gommunicator Life Preseruer he Aberree he Arc Light he Communicator
he Dianeticist he Dianews rhe Ghost of Scientology he Preclear

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215 Amis, Kingsley, 44n, s6n, 67n Amprinistics, 15n-l Anderson,
Kevin Victor, 8n, m 6n

136, l72n, 175, l92n, 193, 19

213n, 214-16, 22gn, 253 Audihng, 4, 28-31, 41-2, 45, 72

157, 188, 233

Becker, Howard, 183n, 207, 210

Berger, Peter, 24sn, 246

and Luckmann, Thomas, 63, 641

225, 23ln, 233, 234n, 236, 237 }31ack Dianetirs, 83, 88, 8gn
British Medical Association (BMA

Buckner, H. Taylor, 14n, ISn, 68n Buddha, IC3, m3n, 25c Campbell,
Colin, 13, 4n Campbell, John W., 22-4, 33, 43,

3, 61, 67, 78-9, 80n Christian Seience, 4, 12, 57, 69,

loo, 126, 138, 152, 155, 156, 20 Citizen's Commission on Human R

1l3n, 203 240 Clear, 25, 50, 68, 74, 84, 87 log

181, 183, 186, 221 Cohen, Stanley, viii, 206, 208, 209,

2l6n Cooper, Paulette, vii, 7n, m6n, 2 Crowley, Aleister, 22, 1ll,
m2n Cult, 5, 1l, 13-17, 21, 75, 215

Dianetics as, 21-loo Cultic milieu, 13, 22, 56, 75 Denomination,
13, 255 Deviance, 12, 206-8

zmplification, 6, 208-g

models o, 205 8 Deviant, 223, 226, 254

, 214 24, 254 E-vleter, m6, m7, 122, 123, 125, 148,

49, 157, 193, 196, 197, 252 E-Therapy, 81, 83, 88, 95, 96 (see also

A. 1.. Kitselman) Enemy, 143, 154 Engram, 25-7, 29, 30, 36-9, 42,
43n, 74

go, 252 I:tllics, 142-8, 176, 177, 179, 227-30, 233,

237, 261-2 Evans, Christopher, vii, 8n, 22n, son,

lo4n, m6n, 216n Food and Drug Administration (FDA),

go-2, 196 7, 211, 215, 237, 253 Foster, Sir John G., 8n, l2gn,
l40n,

14ln, 144n, Ig4n, 196n, 197 214 Freud, Sigmund, 2, Sl-3 35n
Gardncr, Martin, 22n, 36n, s2n Garrison, Omar V., lo3n, 204n, 2l8n,
Glock Charles and Stark, Rodney, rl, 12 CusGeld, Joseph, 210 Howes,
F onald B., 84-6, 87, 95 Hubbard Association o Scientologists

International (HASI), 7, 91-3, 127,

129, 130, 193, 202, 230 Hypnosis, 28, 32, 33, 57, 89, 95, 125, 211,

22, 213 Hypnotic, 33 Kaufman, Robert, vii, 8n, m 7n,

n, 143n, 171, 219, 220

Kitselman, A. L., vii, 81, 95, 96, 250

(5 el50 E-Therapy)

Korzybski, Count Alfred, 36, 52, 56 Lee, John A., 69, m6n, 2l6n
Lemert, 13dwin M., 207, 2l6n, 217n Lofiand,John, 12, 171, 20ln
Magic, I Magical Healer, 248 Malko, George, 7n, 2zn, m o, m I, m

l50n, Igln, 197n Manipulahonism, 4 Manipulationist, 245 Martin,
David, viii, 2n, 13n, 14n ME:NSA, g7n Narconon, 203, 223, 240
National Association for lental Health

(NAMH), vii, 204, 218, 234 Nelson, Geoffrey K., 14n, 48n, 4gn, 212n
New Thought, 14, 48, 49, 69, 70, 82, 95, 99, 152, 25: Nordenholz,
n. A., m l Nyomarkay,Joseph, l50, 248, 2Sgn O'Brien, Helen, 8n,
6Sn, g4n, 127, 128

Issn, Is8n, 249n Operating Thetan, 103, log, ;13,

125, 162, 174, 179, 186 Para-Seientology, 106-7 Parsons, Jack, 22,
m Pavlov, 31 Process, The (Church of the Final Judge

ment), 149 Psychoanalysis, 66, 68n, 73n, 78, 82n, 89

gon, 167, 233, 251 Purcell, Don, 40, 50, 51, 60, 77-9, 91, 94

95 Rolph, C. H., vii, 8n, 195, Ig7n, 204n

205n Seience, 2, 66, 67, 68, 70, 213, 246, 251

fiction, 21, 44, 67, 75 Scientology

and Society, Igo-224, 253-5

auditing, 113-15, 117-18

cosmologica, 103-6

ethics, 142-8, 176, 177, 179, 227-3

233, 237, 261-2 field organization, 129-32 mcome, 213-14 language,
231-3 members, 157 89 organizahon, 127-56 religious practices, 122
schismatics, 148-55 statistics, 137 8 theory, 106-13 training,
118-21 Seientologists, 163-6

attachment, 171 -80

expulsion and defection, 183 8

motivations, 180 3

recruitment, 157 62

second generabon, 163 Sea Org, 4, 128, 139 42, 148, 155, 180,

182-3, 195, 217, 253 268 Sect, 5, Il-13, 14, 16, :7

Seientology as, 103-241 Sectarianization, 98-loo, 214, 251
Seeularization, 2, 246, 247n Secunty Checking, 108, 148-g Selznick,
Philip, l28n, 203n, 240n Semon, Richard, 2sn, 36-8 Simmons, Jerry
L., xii-xiii, 265 Soka Gakkai, 3n, 4, 156, 203n, 205 Spiritualism,
14, 48, 49, 58, 98, 99, 212 Suppressive, 144, 145, 146, 147, 151,

184, 230, 262 Synergetics, 94-5 Thetan, go, 103, 104, 107, 109,
112, m4,

124, 134, 252 (ssr also Operating

Thetan) Vosper, Cyril, vii, 7n, 1o4n, m6n, 13sn,

177n, 205 Weber, Max, 132, 135, 1S6n, 246, 24gn,

250 Whitehead, Harriet, 8n, 68n Wilkins, Leslie T., 208n Wilson,
Bryan R., viii, 2n, 4, lln, 12n,

13n, 98, 20sn, 2s4n Winter, J. A., 22, 23, 33, 38 9, 42n, 43,

50, 51n, 52, 62, 73, 77-9, 81, 88n,

239n World Federation for Mental Ilealth,

209, 220-l, 234, 253 Yoga, 95, 112-13, 122 Young, Jock, 208n, 212,
216n