SIR Shridath Ramphal, a former secretary-general of the Commonwealth, once likened small states to 'small boats pushed out into a turbulent sea, free in one sense to traverse it; but without oars or provisions, without compass or sails, free also to perish. Or perhaps to be rescued and taken aboard a larger vessel'.

He could have been describing Singapore at the point of our independence 40 years ago. The circumstances of our birth were not exactly salubrious, and the regional environment was not exactly benign. There were pundits predicting that Singapore would either perish or eventually be taken on board the larger vessel, at that time, a larger Malaysian vessel. In truth, there was little reason for them to have any optimism about Singapore's future given our geo-strategic limitations and the circumstances of our birth.

At the time of our independence, there were large global forces in motion: de-colonisation and the clash between great powers.

Like huge tectonic plates, the geo-strategic environment of the world is on the move again. As it was during the Cold War, South-east Asia lies along the fault lines of these global shifts.

Singapore faces certain geo-strategic realities. In the negotiations for the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in the 1970s, Singapore was grouped as a 'geographically disadvantaged state' - put in the same category as land-locked states, a very peculiar place for an island nation to be. We are a state with no resources and our geography does not allow us to claim much of an exclusive economic zone.

With only 699 sq km, we are heavily urbanised and one of the most densely populated countries. There is no natural buffer between the core of our activities and critical infrastructure, and the external environment. Without a hinterland, without strategic depth, we do not have the option of falling back and regrouping to come back from an attack.

The fact that Singapore is geographically a lightweight also means we are not naturally in a position to shape the regional environment. On the other hand, the regional environment could determine whether we have the peace and stability that is so vital for our survival and development.

The need for a strong defence to protect our independence and sovereignty and to provide us with the political space and the freedom to act in the best interests of our people is the basic foundation upon which everything else is built. And these are the first principles of our defence policy.

Deterrence

THE second set of underlying principles in our defence policy is that as citizens of a sovereign nation, Singaporeans are the first and last stakeholders in the survival of Singapore and no one can underwrite our security except ourselves. Hence, we have always put the highest priority on national defence.

In order that no larger vessel gets too tempted to take this small boat on board, to use Sonny Ramphal's analogy, deterrence is one pillar of our defence policy. And the mission of the Singapore Armed Forces is to deter aggression, and should deterrence fail, to defeat the aggressor.

Deterrence is complemented by diplomacy, which is the other pillar of our defence policy. Pursuing cooperative, mutually beneficial relationships with friendly countries and playing a constructive role in regional and world affairs help to enhance our security and our strategic weight.

One of the Government's top priorities at independence was to build a defence force. We had to do this from scratch.

We concluded early that a conscript system is the only way in which Singapore can have a capable defence force within the limitations of our small population. We could never afford the manpower required to maintain a standing military force of a size adequate for a credible deterrence. Nor, given the generally peaceful environment, is a standing military of such a size necessary during normal times. So we needed a military that can be called upon in times of national emergency, manned by operationally ready national servicemen who could be rapidly mobilised, and who in normal times would carry on their daily lives and work in their civilian jobs.

Given our small population, national service will always be the backbone of the SAF. Our national servicemen know they will be in the front line should the SAF ever have to go into battle. We train them seriously and they take their training seriously too.

Besides the hard edge of the SAF, we have put equal emphasis on building friendships and defence relations as the other important means of enhancing Singapore's security. Besides fostering understanding and building confidence, there are also payoffs from the professional interactions in terms of benchmarking and inter-operability.

Over the years, the SAF has established strong and friendly ties with armed forces around the world. One good example is the Five Power Defence Arrangements we entered into in 1971 with Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom. We have good defence relations and extensive interactions and cooperation with a number of other countries. We conduct exercises - both bilateral and multilateral - with armed forces from over 20 countries every year. Last year, there were 70 such exercises with foreign forces.

Our friendship and good relations with various countries have also helped us to secure training facilities that are so valuable to the SAF. Training overseas allows us to overcome the limitations of land and airspace in Singapore. It also allows the SAF to lift itself to a higher level by training in unfamiliar and challenging environments, and by training with experienced and capable armed forces. Today, the SAF trains in about a dozen countries all over the world. Our air force conducts about half its flying training in foreign countries.

Cooperation among defence agencies and armed forces has taken on greater urgency since 9/11 as we all recognise that the security of nations is intertwined. The terrorists have no regard for national boundaries and theirs is a multinational enterprise.

In fact, they exploit the interstitials between national boundaries to operate and carry out their attacks. Countries have to work together if we want to deal with the threat effectively. This is an area which Singapore has focused on, including working with like-minded countries on initiatives to enhance the fight against terrorism, proliferation and threats to maritime security.

Small states can survive only in a world where sovereignty is sacrosanct and the rule of law prevails. These are important guiding principles as we navigate through the geo-strategic changes taking place in the world today.

Singapore has always been an active member of the UN, as well as regional groupings like Asean, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum and the Asean Regional Forum. We play our part as a responsible member of the international community, and make our contributions to enhance the international order that is so critical for the survival of a small state like Singapore.

Total Defence is another key component in Singapore's defence strategy. Essentially, the point of Total Defence is that we need more than the military for a strong defence. And every Singaporean has a part to play to make us more resilient and strengthen the country's ability to protect itself from threats, whatever form they may take, and to overcome them. They can make a contribution in some or all of the five elements of Total Defence. Besides military defence, the other elements are civil, economic, social and psychological defence.

Technology

THE fourth key element in our defence strategy is the importance of technology. From the start, we recognised that technology would be crucial for overcoming the limitations of our small population. Technology would be our force multiplier. Research and experimentation to develop a technological edge began as early as 1971 even though our armed forces then had only rudimentary capabilities. The effort started off with a three-man team. Today, Mindef is one of the largest employers of engineers and scientists in Singapore.

Singapore's security in the future will depend on the SAF's ability to sustain a credible deterrence. To do so, we will have to transform the SAF into a leaner and yet more potent force with the help of technology. We are now in the second generation of the SAF. Transformation will take us to the third generation or 3G SAF.

It is not enough only to buy modern weapons and systems off the shelf. We need to be able to exploit the technology, add value to it, and exploit new operating concepts as well. Warfare has become more technologically demanding and complex, and that is fortunate for small states like Singapore with a well-educated and techno-savvy population.

In the 2G SAF, we fielded systems that gave us better capabilities with fewer men. But in the 3G SAF, we are looking for more than incremental improvements. We are looking for a quantum transformation in capability.

There are many different strategies and approaches a country can take to meet its defence needs and provide for its security. What it decides to do has to be in the context of its particular security environment, taking into account its unique geography, history and demography.

We have decided that we must ourselves provide for our own defence, for if we are not prepared to defend ourselves, we cannot expect anyone else to do so on our behalf.

Singapore's defence strategies have been shaped by these factors and convictions. And by our belief that, being a small state in a sometimes turbulent region, security is imperative for our very survival.