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%    {`One person usually laughs.'}}
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\slidehead{Something that is not a grammatical relation}

On page 66-68, Comrie discusses a common confusion of grammatical
relations with semantic roles.  Traditional grammar uses the
grammatical relation {\it indirect object\/} for {\it Sam\/} in the
sentences below.  However, this use of the term indirect object
corresponds to our use of the semantic role {\it recipient\/} (or {\it
goal\/} in the semantic domain of change of possession).  What all of
the sentences have in common is that Sam is the recipient of goods or
information.\\[10pt]

The sentences illustrate a construction called {\it dative shift\/}
(because the English preposition {\it to\/} corresponds to dative case
in many other languages) in which a recipient appears as a direct
object.

\examples{
\item I gave Sam the book.  
\item I gave the book to Sam.
\item I told Sam the story.
\item I told the story to Sam.}

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\slidehead{Two Hypotheses about Indirect Objects}

{\bf Hypothesis 1:} There is a grammatical relation called indirect
object.  The grammatical relation indirect object can occur in two
positions in English: either before the direct object without a
preposition ({\it I gave Sam the book\/}) or after the direct object
with the preposition, {\it to\/} ({\it I gave the book to Sam\/}).\\[10pt]

{\bf Hypothesis 2:} There is a semantic role called {\it recipient\/}
(which can be a special case of the semantic role {\it goal\/} in the
semantic domain of change of possession or change of information.  The
semantic role recipient can appear with different grammatical
relations in English: either direct object ({\it I gave Sam the book\/})
or oblique with the preposition {\it to\/} ({\it I gave the book to
Sam\/}). 

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\slidehead{Data for Comparison of the two Hypotheses}

\noindent
Under Hypothesis 1, how would we have to formulate the rule for making
passive sentences out of active sentencs.

\examples{
\item I gave Sam the book.
\item I gave the book to Sam.
\item The book was given to Sam.
\item Sam was given the book.}

%% There was another argument to make, but I can't remember it.

%% \examples{
%% \item I gave the book to Sam.
%% \item The book was given to Sam.
%% \item \bad{*}Sam was given the book to.
%% \item \bad{?}To Sam was given the/a book.}

\noindent
The dative shift construction is based on semantic roles, not on
grammatical relations like the passive.  

\examples{
\item I drove the car to New York.
\item \bad{*}I drove New York the car.
\item I attribute our failure to his malevolence.
\item \bad{*}I attribute his malevolence our failure.}

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\slidehead{Syntax, Semantics, and Pragmatics}

\begin{itemize}
\item syntax --- form
\item sematics --- meaning
\item pragmatics --- use
\end{itemize}

\noindent
Meaning is not always the same as use:\\[10pt]
Can you pass the salt.  \\
Gee, it's noisy in here. 

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\slidehead{Pragmatic Roles: ``the flow of given and new information''}

Pragmatic roles deal with the roles that phrases play in a discourse
or text, not the relationship of arguments to predicates.\\[10pt]

After someone says the sentence {\it Who saw Bill?\/}, the {\it
given\/} information is that someone saw Bill.  The question is asking
for a {\it new\/} piece of information, {\it who?\/}

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\slidehead{Focus}

The term {\it focus\/} refers to the new information in
a sentence.  In the examples below, the focus is in small
caps.\\[10pt]

In English, focus is indicated by intonation.  If you say the
following question-answer pairs with the wrong intonation, they will
sound strange.\\[10pt]

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\slidehead{Focus}

{\bf English}, (Comrie, page 56)

\examples{
\item[A.] Who saw Bill?  
\item[B.]{\sc john} saw Bill/him.}

\examples{
 \item[A.] Who did John see? 
\item[B.] John/he saw {\sc bill}.}

\examples{
\item[A.] Who did Bill see?  
\item[B.] Bill/he saw {\sc john}.}

\examples{
\item[A.] Who saw John? 
\item[B.] {\sc bill} saw John.}

\examples{
\item[A.] What did Bill do?  
\item[B.] Bill/he {\sc went straight home}.}

\examples{
\item[A.] What happened? 
\item[B.] {\sc bill went straight home.}}

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\slidehead{Another Way to Indicate Focus \\ in English}

English can express {\it contrastive focus\/}, picking one focus from
a delimited set, with a cleft sentence: {\it It's\/} {\sc x} {\it
that\/} {\sc y}.

\example{It's {\sc john} that saw Bill.}

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\slidehead{Grammatical Correlates of Focus}

In other languages, there may be a grammatical correlate of focus.  
In Hungarian, the focused noun phrase immediately precedes the finite
verb.  Since question words are asking for new information, they also
immediately precede the finite verb. \\[10pt]

{\bf Hungarian},  (Comrie, page 57)

%% New information is subject.

\examples{
\item \gloss {3}
{Ki & l\'{a}tta & Zoli-t?}
{who & saw & Zoli}
{{\it Who saw Zoli?}}

\item \gloss {3}
{Zoli-t & ki & l\'{a}tta?}
{Zoli & who & saw}
{{\it Who saw Zoli?}}

\item \gloss {3} 
{Vili & l\'{a}tta & Zoli-t.}
{Vili & saw & Zoli}
{{\it Vili saw Zoli}}

\item \gloss {3}
{Zoli-t & Vili & l\'{a}tta.}
{Zoli & Vili & saw}
{{\it Vili saw Zoli.}}}

\newpage

%% New information is object.

\examples{
\item \gloss {3}
{Ki-t & l\'{a}tta & Zoli?}
{who & saw & Zoli}
{{\it Who did Zoli see?}}

\item \gloss {3}
{Zoli & ki-t & l\'{a}tta?}
{Zoli & who & saw}
{{\it Who did Zoli see?}}

\item \gloss{3}
{Zoli & Vili-t & l\'{a}tta.}
{Zoli & Vili & saw}
{{\it Zoli saw Vili.}}

\item \gloss {3}
{Vili-t & l\'{a}tta. & Zoli }
{Vili & saw & Zoli}
{{\it Zoli saw Vili.}}}

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\slidehead{Topic}

``What the sentence is about.'' (Comrie, page 64).\\[10pt]

\examples{
\item[A.] What about Bill?  
\item[B.] Bill was hit by a car.}

\examples{
\item[A.] What about Bill?  
\item[B.] Bill, I like.}

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

es\slidehead{Topic Oriented Languages}

``Subject and Topic: A New Typology of Language,'' Li and Thompson,
1976. \\[10pt]


{\bf Chinese:} (Tone marks omitted. Sorry!)
\examples{
\item \longgloss {2}
{Nei-chang & huo}
{that-{\sc class} & fire}
\longgloss {5}
{xingkui & xiaofang-dui & lai & de & kuai}
{fortunate & fire-brigade & come & {\sc prt} & quick}
\nogloss
{{\it That fire, fortunately the fire brigade came quickly}}

\item \gloss {4}
{Nei-xie & shumu & shu-shen & da}
{those & tree & tree-trunk & big}
{{\it Those trees, the trunks are big}}  }

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

\slidehead{Properties of Topic-Oriented Languages}


\begin{itemize}
\item Surface coding for topic, but not necessarily for subject.  The
surface coding can be word order or a morpheme.

\item Passive sentences may be marginal or non-existent.

\item No {\it dummy\/} subjects (e.g., {\it It is raining\/}, {\it
There is a cat in the garden\/.})

\item Double subject construction:

\example{
\gloss {5}
{sakana & wa & tai & ga & oisii}
{fish & {\sc top} & red snapper & {\sc subj} & delicious}
{{\it Fish, red snapper is delicious\/}}  }

\newpage

\item Topic, not subject, controls coreference.

\examples{
\item \longgloss {5}
{Nei & kuai & tian & daozi & zhangde}
{that & piece & land & rice & grow}
\longgloss {5}
{hen & da, & suoyi & hen & zhiqian.}
{very & big & so & very & valuable}
\nogloss
{{\it That piece of land, rice grows very big, so it (the land) is
very valuable}}

\item \bad {*} \longgloss {4}
{Nei & chang & huo & xioaofangdui}
{that & {\sc class} & fire & fire brigade}
\longgloss {5}
{laide & zao, & suoyi & hen & lei.}
{came & early & so & very & tired}
\nogloss
{{\it That fire, the fire brigade came early, so very tired}}  }

\item Tend to be verb-final.

\item Have fewer constraints on what can be a topic.

\end{itemize}

\end{document}
